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COLLECTION  OF 

NORTH  CAROLINIANA 


ENDOWED  BY 

JOHN  SPRUNT  HILL 

of  the  Class  of  1889 


<2a 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N.C.  AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


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THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA 


The  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 


PUBLISHED  UNDER  THE  DIRECTION  OF 


The  North  Carolina  Historical  Society 


J.  G.  de  Roulhac  Hamilton      )„, 
Henry  McGilbert  Wagstaff  J 

Library,  Univ.  of 

VOL.  16  No. 


CONTENTS 

A  COLONIAL  HISTORY  OF  ROWAN  COUNTY 
NORTH  CAROLINA 


CHAPEL  HILL 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY 
1917 


RALEIGH 

Edwards  &  Beottghton  Printing  Company 

1917 


A  COLONIAL  HISTORY  OF  ROWAN  COUNTY 
NORTH  CAROLINA 


BY 

Samuel  James  Eryen",  Jr. 


n2 


CONTENTS 


Chapter 

I. 

Description  of  Rowan  County. 

Chapter 

II. 

The  Settlements  and  Boundaries  of  Rowan 
County. 

Chapter 

III. 

Colonial  Salisbury. 

Chapter 

IV. 

Relations  with  the  Indians. 

Chapter 

V. 

The  Courts  and  Officials  of  Rowan  County  and 
Salisbury  District. 

Chapter 

VI. 

The  Regulators. 

Chapter 

VII. 

The  Churches  of  Early  Rowan. 

Chapter  VIII. 

Education  in  Rowan. 

Chapter 

IX. 

The  Safety  Committee. 

Chapter 

X. 

Social  and  Industrial  Conditions. 

A  COLONIAL  HISTORY  OF  ROWAN  COUNTY, 
NORTH  CAROLINA 


CHAPTEK  I 

Description  of  Rowan  County 

The  heirs  of  the  eight  noblemen  to  whom  Charles  II  had 
granted  Carolina  in  1663  found  that  vast  territory  an  unprofit- 
able and  unruly  charge.  In  1728,  therefore,  the  owners  of  seven 
of  the  eight  equal  undivided  shares  offered  to  sell  all  their  interest 
in  Carolina  to  the  Crown,  and  the  proposition  was  accepted.  In 
the  following  year  the  purchase  was  completed,  the  seven  proprie- 
tors who  surrendered  their  claims  receiving  17,500  pounds  sterling, 
and  the  relinquishment  of  the  lands  being  confirmed  by  an  act  of 
Parliament.  John,  Lord  Carteret,  afterwards  created  Earl  Gran- 
ville, alone  of  the  eight  lords  retained  his  share.1 

In  1744,  his  part  of  Carolina  was  set  off  for  him  by  grant  from 
George  II,  all  the  territory  lying  between  the  Virginia  line  on 
the  north  and  the  parallel  of  35°  34'  on  the  south  being  allotted 
to  him.  The  eastern  boundary  of  this  immense  tract  was  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  and  the  western,  the  Mississippi  River.2 

At  this  time  the  portion  of  this  grant  west  of  the  present  eastern 
boundaries  of  Randolph,  Guilford,  and  Rockingham  counties  was 
just  being  entered  by  enterprising  settlers.  It  is  with  the  region 
west  of  the  above-mentioned  boundary  lines  that  this  sketch  is  to 
deal.  This  region  embraced  the  northern  part  of  two  of  the  three 
great  natural  divisions  of  jSTorth  Carolina — the  Piedmont  section 
and  the  Mountain  section. 

The  part  included  in  the  Piedmont  is  blessed  by  nature  with 
countless  streams  and  an  endless  succession  of  hills  and  valleys 
which  increase  as  one  goes  westward.  Its  climate  is  invigorating 
and  wholesome.  The  soil  is  very  fertile,  especially  along  the  banks 
of  the  rivers  and  creeks.  The  earth  contains  great  mineral  wealth 
in  the  form  of  coal,  iron,  gold,  and  other  metals,  ores,  and  min- 


iAshe,  217;  Williamson,  26-27. 
2Col.  Bee,  IV,  x. 


6  James  Spkunt  Historical  Publications 

erals.  Among  the  trees  found  in  the  forests  are  the  white  oak, 
the  white  hickory,  the  white  ash,  the  elm,  the  maple,  the  beech, 
the  poplar,  the  persimmon,  the  black  walnut,  the  yellow  pine,  and 
the  mulberry. 

Most  of  what  has  been  said  of  the  Piedmont  district  is  also 
applicable  to  the  Mountain  division.  The  Blue  Ridge  Mountains 
— a  portion  of  the  Appalachian  Range — lie  partly  within  its  bor- 
ders. Here  the  wild  cherry,  the  white  pine,  the  hemlock,  the  black 
birch,  the  white  walnut,  the  chestnut,  the  beech,  the  locust,  and 
many  other  trees  grow.  The  mineral  resources  of  this  section  are 
more  abundant  than  those  of  the  Piedmont.  The  Mountain  region 
is  above  all  else  a  land  of  health  and  beauty.3 

The  earliest  visitor  to  this  territory  who  recorded  anything  was 
John  Lawson,  the  Surveyor-General  of  the  Province  of  North 
Carolina.  In  December,  1700,  accompanied  by  several  other 
Englishmen  and  Indian  guides,  he  left  Charleston  for  an  explora- 
tion of  the  northern  province.4  His  tour  extended  as  far  west  as 
the  section  later  erected  into  Rowan  County.  The  land  embracing 
the  southern  part  of  the  county  as  it  now  stands  and  the  counties 
to  the  south  he  described  as  "Pleasant  savanna  ground,  high  and 
dry,  having  very  few  trees  upon  it,  and  those  standing  at  a  great 
distance.  The  land  was  very  good  and  free  from  grubs  or  under- 
wood. A  man  near  Sapona  (the  Yadkin)  may  more  easily  clear 
ten  acres  of  ground  than  in  some  places  he  can  one;  there  being 
much  loose  stone  upon  the  land,  lying  very  convenient  for  making 
of  dry  walls  or  any  other  sort  of  durable  fence.  The  country 
abounds  likewise  with  curious,  bold  creeks,  navigable  for  small 
craft,  disgorging  themselves  into  the  main  rivers  that  vent  them- 
selves into  the  ocean.  These  creeks  are  well  stored  with  sundry 
sorts  of  fish  and  fowl,  and  are  very  convenient  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  what  commodities  this  place  may  produce."5 

Lawson  continued  his  journey  a  few  miles  further  north,  pass- 
ing through  a  country  which  he  characterized  as  "a  delicious 
country;  none  that  I  ever  saw  exceeds  it."  Fine  bladed  grass,  six 
feet  high,  grew  along  the  creeks,  and  the  sepulchres  of  dead  In- 


land-book of  N.  C,  22-46. 
4Lawson,  19. 
eLawson,  80. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  7 

dians  were  seen.  Lawson  found  the  town  of  the  Sapona  Indians 
located  in  an  open  field  about  a  mile  square  on  the  fertile  and 
pleasant  banks  of  the  Sapona  River,  as  the  Yadkin  was  then 
called.6  This  town  was  near  Trading  Ford,  a  few  miles  east  of 
the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Salisbury.  Trading  Ford  was  so 
called  because  it  was  on  the  ancient  Trading  Path  which  traders 
from  Virginia  traveled  at  an  early  date  in  going  to  the  Catawbas 
and  other  southern  Indians.7 

Lawson  was  delighted  with  the  scenes  around  the  Yadkin.  He 
says:  "This  most  pleasant  river  may  be  something  broader  than 
the  Thames  at  Kingston,  keeping  a  continual  warbling  noise,  with 
its  reverberating  on  the  bright  marble  rocks.  .  .  .  One  side  of 
the  river  is  hemmed  in  with  mountainy  ground,  the  other  side 
proving  as  rich  a  soil  as  any  this  western  world  can  afford."8  A 
numerous  train  of  swan  and  other  water  fowl  were  on  the  stream 
and  many  small  birds  sang  upon  its  banks.9 

The  travelers  were  entertained  by  the  old  king  of  the  Saponas, 
who  proved  very  friendly  to  the  white  men.  Neighboring  tribes 
of  Indians  were  the  Toteros,  who  inhabited  the  "westward  moun- 
tains," and  the  Keyauwees,  who  dwelt  in  a  village  about  forty 
miles  west  of  Trading  Ford.  These  three  nations  were  small,  and 
at  that  time  were  planning  to  combine  in  order  to  strengthen 
themselves  and  become  formidable  to  their  enemies.  About  ten 
days  before  Lawson's  arrival  among  them  the  Saponas  captured 
five  northern  Indians.  Indians  from  the  north  ranged  over  the 
country  and  were  a  terror  to  the  less  warlike  tribes  of  the  south. 
The  Saponas  were  preparing  to  put  the  captives  to  death  with 
cruel  torture,  but  released  them  upon  the  request  of  the  Toteros, 
some  of  whom,  when  taken  prisoners  by  the  northern  Indians  a 
short  time  before,  had  been  kindly  treated  and  permitted  to  return 
to  their  own  people.10 

The  old  king  of  the  Saponas  took  much  pride  in  several  horses 
which  he  owned.  Lawson  was  highly  pleased  with  the  country. 
Every  step,  he  declared,  presented  some  new  object  to  his  view. 


"Lawson,  81. 
'Rumple,  15. 
8Lawson,  81. 
8Lawson,  83. 
"Lawson,  82-84. 


8  James  Spkunt  Historical  Publications 

Beavers,  swan,  geese,  and  deer  were  plentiful  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Yadkin.  During  the  stay  of  the  explorers  at  Sapona  town 
a  party  of  the  Toteros,  "tall,  likely  men,"  came  down  from  the 
west  "having  great  plenty  of  buffaloes,  elks,  and  bears  with  other 
sort  of  deer  amongst  them."  One  of  the  Indian  doctors  acquainted 
Lawson  with  a  large  quantity  of  medicines  that  were  produced  in 
those  parts.11 

After  remaining  several  days  at  Sapona  Lawson's  party  made 
a  two  days  trip  to  the  westward.  The  country  became  more  moun- 
tainous and  many  streams  were  crossed.  At  a  distance  of  some 
thirty  or  forty  miles  west  of  the  Yadkin  they  reached  the  town  of 
the  Keyauwees,  situated  five  miles  northwest  of  a  rocky  river  called 
the  Heighwaree.  Near  the  town  was  another  stream.  The  land 
was  "more  mountainous,  but  extremely  pleasant  and  an  excellent 
place  for  the  breeding  (of)  sheep,  goats,  and  horses  or  mules." 
The  valleys  were  very  fertile.  The  village  of  the  Keyauwees  was 
encircled  by  high  mountains,  and  large  cornfields  adjoined  the 
cabins  of  the  savages.  ISTo  grass  grew  upon  the  high  cliffs  and 
the  growth  of  trees  upon  them  was  sparse.  The  earth  in  this 
region  was  of  a  reddish  color,  which  Lawson  said  signfied  the 
presence  of  minerals. 

The  Keyauwees  received  the  travelers  with  hospitality.  Lawson 
lodged  at  the  house  of  Keyauwees  Jack,  a  Congaree  Indian,  who 
had  obtained  the  chieftainship  through  marriage  with  the  queen, 
for  among  the  Indians  descent  was  counted  on  the  female  side. 
The  Keyauwees  were  unique  in  that  most  of  them  wore  mustaches 
or  whiskers — a  habit  rarely  practiced  by  Indians.12 

Two  or  three  days  were  spent  with  the  Keyauwees.  Most  of  the 
members  of  Lawson's  party  desired  to  go  straightway  to  Virginia, 
but  he  was  determined  to  continue  his  course  to  the  coast  of  North 
Carolina.  He  and  one  companion,  therefore,  bade  farewell  to  the 
rest  of  the  group.  On  the  third  day's  journey,  after  passing  over 
many  waters  and  through  rich  lands,  they  reached  the  Haw  River, 
whence  they  made  their  way  to  the  coast  of  the  province.13 

Lawson  did  not  penetrate  the  wilderness  as  far  westward  as  the 
Catawba  nation.     ISTor  did  he  learn   anything  of  the   powerful 


"Lawson,  84-85. 
12Lawson,  87-91. 
13Lawson,  92-105. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  9 

Cherokees  who  lived  beyond  the  mountains  and  who  at  a  future 
date  were  to  make  incursions  into  the  settlements,  bringing  devasta- 
tion and  destruction  with  them.  The  Saponas,  Keyauwees,  and 
Toteros  combined  with  several  small  tribes  and  removed  to  Vir- 
ginia soon  after  Lawson's  departure.  After  dwelling  in  Virginia, 
a  few  miles  north  of  the  Eoanoke,  for  twenty-five  years,  they 
returned  to  Carolina  and  lived  with  the  Catawbas.14 


CHAPTER  II 

The  Settlements  and  Boundaries  of  Rowan  County 

The  exact  date  of  the  appearance  of  settlers  in  Rowan  County 
cannot  be  determined.  "We  have  already  seen  that  long  before  the 
cabin  of  a  permanent  settler  was  erected  traders  from  Virginia 
frequented  the  region  in  order  to  barter  with  the  Indians.  The 
chief  contributors  to  the  population  were  the  Scotch-Irish  Presby- 
terians from  the  north  of  Ireland,  the  Germans,  usually  known  as 
Pennsylvania  Dutch,  who  adhered  to  the  tenets  of  the  Lutheran 
and  German  Reformed  Churches,  and  the  Moravians,  or  United 
Brethren,  from  Moravia  and  Bohemia.  Prom  time  to  time  men 
belonging  to  no  one  of  these  groups  came  to  the  frontier,  but  such 
settlers  formed  a  small  part  of  the  total  number  of  inhabitants. 

The  Scotch-Irish  were  the  most  active  and  probably  the  most 
numerous  part  of  the  population.  These  people  were  Scotch  in 
blood,  being  descendants  of  the  Scotch  whom  the  English  rulers 
had  placed  on  the  confiscated  lands  of  Irish  rebels  in  the  Province 
of  Ulster,  in  north  Ireland,  during  the  seventeenth  century.  To 
distinguish  them  from  the  natives  of  Scotland  they  have  received 
the  name  of  Scotch-Irish.1  Some  forty  years  prior  to  the  out- 
break of  the  Revolutionary  "War  they  began  to  flock  to  America. 
Foote,  in  his  "Sketches  of  North  Carolina,"  assigns  their  migra- 
tion to  three  causes,  namely :  religion,  politics,  and  property.2  Dis- 
abilities were  imposed  upon  them  because  they  were  not  members 
of  the  established  church  of  Ireland;  they  desired  niore  political 


14Ashe,  180. 
Toote,  84-90. 
2Foote,  120. 


10  James  Spbunt  Historical  Publications 

liberty  than  they  enjoyed  in  the  old  world;  and  the  ease  with  which 
land  could  be  obtained  in  America  was  a  third  powerful  incentive 
to  their  coming  hither.3 

Some  came  to  Charleston  and  pushed  into  the  frontier  country 
from  that  place,  but  most  of  them  landed  in  Pennsylvania  and, 
after  making  some  settlements  in  that  province,  turned  southward, 
and  by  1739  located  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia.4  The  administra- 
tion in  Virginia  was  constantly  opposed  to  religious  freedom.  Earl 
Granville  disposed  of  his  lands  in  Carolina  upon  favorable  terms, 
for  he  desired  to  increase  their  value  by  rapid  settlement.5  There- 
fore, influenced  by  the  inviting  nature  of  the  climate  and  soil,  the 
peacefulness  of  the  Catawba  Indians  and  the  laxity  of  ISTorth  Caro- 
lina laws  in  comparison  with  those  of  Virginia  on  the  subject  of 
religion,  the  Scotch-Irish  passed  through  the  vacant  lands  in  Vir- 
ginia, in  the  neighborhood  of  their  countrymen,  and  made  homes 
for  themselves  in  western  North  Carolina.  As  early  as  1740  a  few 
families  were  located  on  the  Hico,  Eno,  and  Haw  rivers  in  the 
territory  just  east  of  Bowan.6 

By  the  year  1745  the  Scotch-Irish  had  established  themselves  in 
the  fertile  and  well-watered  area  between  the  Yadkin  and  the 
Catawba,  and  previous  to  1750  their  settlements  were  scattered 
throughout  the  region  from  Virginia  to  Georgia.7  The  Scotch- 
Irish  settled  mainly  in  the  country  west  of  the  Yadkin.  Among 
these  immigrants  were  the  ISTesbits,  Allisons,  Brandons,  Luckeys, 
Lockes,  McCullochs,  Grahams,  Cowans,  Barrs,  McKenzies,  An- 
drews, Osbornes,  Sharpes,  Boones,  McLauchlins,  and  Halls.8  The 
Scotch-Irish  have  ever  been  known  as  a  religious,  brave,  and 
liberty-loving  people.  Among  other  families  from  the  British  Isles 
who  appeared  in  Powan  at  an  early  date  we  find  the  names  of 
Cathey,  McCorkle,  Morrison,  Linville,  Davidson,  Reese,  Hughes, 
Pamsay,  Brevard,  Winslow,  Dickey,  Braley,  Moore,  Emerson, 
Kerr,  Pankin,  Torrence,  Templeton,  Houston,  Hackett,  Ruther- 
ford, Lynn,  Gibson,  Frohock,  Smith,  Bryan,  Little,  Long,  Steele, 
Bell,  Macay,  Miller,  Blackburn,  Craige,  Stokes,  Caldwell,  Dunn, 
Gillespie,  and  many  others. 


nVilliamson,  70-71. 

4Ashe,  276. 

6Williamson,  71. 

"Col.  Rec,  V,  1193. 

'Ashe,  276  ;   Col.  Rec,  V,  1193. 

sRumple,  24. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Eowan  County  11 

The  Scotch-Irish  were  soon  followed  by  another  stream  of  im- 
migrants— the  Germans  who  had  previously  located  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  route  which  the  German  and  Scotch-Irish  settlers  took 
in  making  the  overland  journey  from  Pennsylvania  to  western 
North  Carolina  is  described  by  Colonel  Saunders  as  follows : 

On  Jeffrey's  map,  a  copy  of  which  is  in  the  Congressional  Library  at 
Washington  City,  there  is  plainly  laid  down  a  road  called  "the  Great 
Road  from  the  Yadkin  River  through  Virginia  to  Philadelphia,  distant 
435  miles."  It  ran  from  Philadelphia  through  Lancaster  and  York  to 
Winchester,  thence  up  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  crossing  the  Fluvanna 
River  to  Looney's  Ferry,  thence  to  Staunton  River,  and  down  the  river 
through  the  Blue  Ridge,  thence  southward,  crossing  Dan  River  below 
the  mouth  of  Mayo  River,  thence  still  southward  near  the  Moravian 
settlement  to  the  Yadkin  River,  just  above  the  mouth  of  Linville  Creek 
and  about  ten  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Reedy  Creek.s 

The  Germans  did  not  extend  their  settlements  quite  so  far  west 
as  the  Scotch-Irish  did.  They  were  industrious  and  economical 
in  their  habits  and  formed  a  valuable  part  of  the  population.  As 
the  laws  were  written  and  expounded  in  English  and  all  public 
business  was  transacted  in  that  language,  the  Germans  were  in- 
capable, in  most  instances,  of  participating  in  public  affairs.10 
The  process  whereby  they  were  naturalized  was  the  taking  of 
several  oaths  prescribed  by  law  and  the  repeating  and  subscribing 
of  the  test.  The  test,  as  entered  on  the  court  records  of  the  county, 
was  in  this  form : 

I,  A.  B.,  do  believe  in  my  conscience  that  there  is  not  any  transub- 
stantiation  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  or  in  the  elements  of 
bread  and  wine  at  or  after  the  consecration  thereof  by  any  person  what- 
soever.11 

Among  the  early  German  settlers  appear  the  names  of  Bern- 
hardt, Heilig,  Meisenheimer,  Beard,  Mull,  Bintelman  (Eendle- 
man),  Layrle  (Lyerly),  Kuhn  (Coon),  Friese,  Eisenhauer,  Suther, 
Winecoff,  Cress,  Walcher,  Harkey,  Savitz,  Henkel,  Moser,  Braun 
(Brown),  Lingle,  Eisher,  Berger,  Lippard,  Peeler,  Holtzhauer, 
Kluttz,  Eoseman,  Eoet,  Shupping,  Beam,  and  Buin. 


9Col.  Rec,  IV,  xxi. 

"Rumple,    29. 

"Col.  Rec,  VII,   521-522. 


12  James  Sprukt  Historical  Publications 

Other  settlers  from  Virginia  and  the  north  came  by  a  route  fur- 
ther east  that  passed  through  the  section  now  embraced  by  Caswell 
County.12 

Immigrants  poured  into  the  western  country  very  rapidly.  In 
1751  Governor  Johnston  informed  the  Board  of  Trade  that  set- 
tlers flocked  into  the  province  daily,  mostly  from  Pennsylvania 
and  other  parts  of  America,  but  some  from  Europe.  Many  thou- 
sands had  then  come  in  and  settled  mainly  in  the  west  so  that  they 
had  almost  reached  the  mountains.  In  1746  Matthew  Rowan  esti- 
mated that  there  were  not  more  than  one  hundred  fighting  men  in 
the  entire  western  part  of  the  province  between  Virginia  and 
South  Carolina.  Seven  years  later  he  thought  that  there  were 
then  at  least  three  thousand  fighting  men  in  the  same  territory, 
and  stated  that  their  numbers  were  increasing  rapidly.  These 
settlers  were  for  the  most  part  "Irish-Protestants"  (Scotch-Irish) 
and  Germans.13 

These  settlers,  coming  as  they  did  in  groups,  locatd  in  neighbor- 
hoods to  themselves,  forming  respectively  Scotch-Irish  and  German 
communities,  scattered  throughout  the  wilderness,  and  maintain- 
ing their  own  customs,  speech,  and  characteristics,  and  largely 
transmitting  them  to  posterity.14 

About  1750,  Quakers  from  the  north  located  at  ISTew  Garden,  in 
what  is  now  Guilford  County,  and  from  time  to  time  were  joined 
by  others  of  that  sect  so  that  a  distinctly  Quaker  settlement  was 
formed  there.15 

The  bitter  persecutions  which  they  suffered  in  their  native  lands 
of  Moravia  and  Bohemia  for  the  sake  of  their  religion  and  the 
desire  to  preach  "the  pure  gospel  of  love"  to  the  inhabitants  of 
America  and  to  preach  to  the  Indians  prompted  the  Moravians  to 
seek  homes  in  the  western  world.  The  Moravians  were  well  known 
for  their  thrift  and  industry,  and  Earl  Granville,  who  desired  to 
people  his  grant  in  North  Carolina  with  worthy  settlers,  made 
them  a  liberal  offer.16 

In  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1752,  Bishop  Spangenberg,  who 
was  sent  by  the  Unitas  Fratum,  or  Moravian  Church,  to  select  a 


^Ashe,  277. 

13Col.  Rec,  IV,  xxi;   Col.  Rec.  ,  V,  24,  25. 

14 Ashe,  277. 

"Weeks,  104-105. 

10Clewell,  1-3. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  13 

place  for  their  settlement,  made  an  extensive  tour  of  western  North 
Carolina.  Leaving  Edenton  in  September,  on  November  12th  he 
camped  on  the  Catawba  near  what  he  called  the  "Indian  Pass." 
The  nearest  cabin  was  that  of  Jonathan  "Weiss,  or  Perrot,  a  hunter, 
twenty  miles  distant.  The  bishop  found  a  number  of  hunters  in 
the  vicinity  who  lived  like  Indians  and  secured  furs  and  skins  for 
sale.  A  week  later  he  was  near  Quaker  Meadows,  about  two  miles 
from  where  the  town  of  Morganton  now  stands,  which  he  consid- 
ered to  be  fifty  miles  beyond  the  settlements.  Bands  of  Cherokees 
pursuing  game  filled  the  woods.  Continuing  his  course  northward, 
he  found  remains  which  indicated  that  Indians  had  inhabited  the 
country  in  earlier  times.17 

It  being  in  the  beginning  of  winter  and  his  guide  mistaking  the 
way,  Spangenberg's  party  entered  the  mountains  where  they 
endured  great  hardships  and  difficulties  owing  to  the  severity  of 
the  weather.  Happening  upon  a  branch  of  New  River,  they  fol- 
lowed that  stream  to  within  fifteen  miles  of  the  Virginia  line. 
Then,  with  the  aid  of  a  compass,  they  traveled  directly  southeast 
through  the  wilderness  and  finally  reached  the  Yadkin  River,  after 
having  been  lost  in  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains  for  two  weeks. 
Here— a  few  miles  from  the  present  town  of  Wilkesboro — they 
rested  with  a  Welshman  named  Owen,  who  had  built  his  cabin  far 
from  the  settlements.  Spangenberg  understood  that  there  was  no 
other  habitation  within  sixty  miles.18 

On  December  27,  the  bishop  reached  the  site  of  Wachovia,  on 
Muddy  Creek,  in  the  present  county  of  Forsyth.  He  surveyed 
about  73,000  acres  of  land.  Spangenberg's  Journal  says  "the  most 
of  this  land  is  level  and  plain,  the  air  fresh  and  healthy,  and  the 
water  good."19  More  land  was  afterwards  added,  so  that  in  August, 
1753,  Earl  Granville  conveyed  98,985  acres  to  the  Moravians.20 
The  grant  received  the  name  of  the  "Wachovia  Tract"  in  honor 
of  one  of  the  titles  of  Count  Zinzendorf,  a  leader  of  the  Moravian 
Church  of  Austria.21 

On  April  3,  1753,  a  petition  bearing  the  signatures  of  348  of 
the   inhabitants    of   the   upper    and    frontier    portions    of    Anson 

"Col.  Rec,  V,  1  et  seq.;  Ashe,  278  ;   Clewell,  6-9. 
lsCol.  Rec,  V,  1-14;  Ashe,  278-279  ;   Clewell,  8-9. 
19Col.  Rec,  V,  14. 
20Clewell,  12. 
21Bernheim,  156. 


14  James  Spbunt  Historical  Publications 

County,  which  comprehended  most  of  the  western  part  of  North 
Carolina,  was  read  in  the  lower  house  of  the  General  Assembly. 
The  petitioners  set  forth  the  great  difficulties  they  had  to  undergo 
in  traveling  the  vast  distance  to  the  courthouse  of  Anson  County 
and  prayed  that  the  frontier  section  of  the  county  he  erected  into 
a  new  one.22  Two  days  later  Mr.  Sampson  introduced  a  bill  to 
this  effect,  and  the  bill  in  its  final  form  received  the  assent  of 
Matthew  Rowan,  the  acting  governor,  on  April  12th.23  The  sec- 
tion of  the  act  defining  the  boundaries  of  the  new  county,  which 
was  named  in  honor  of  Matthew  Rowan,  read  as  follows: 

Be  it  enacted  .  .  .  that  Anson  County  be  divided  by  a  line,  to 
begin  where  Anson  line  was  to  cross  Earl  Granville's  line,  and  from 
thence,  in  a  direct  line  north,  to  the  Virginia  line,  and  that  the  said 
county  be  bounded  to  the  north  by  the  Virginia  line,  and  to  the  south 
by  the  southermost  line  of  Earl  Granville's  land;  and  that  the  upper 
part  of  said  county,  so  laid  off  and  divided,  be  erected  into  a  county  and 
parish,  by  the  name  of  Rowan  County  and  St.  Luke's  Parish;  and  that 
all  the  inhabitants  of  the  westward  of  the  said  line,  and  included 
within  the  before-mentioned  boundaries,  shall  belong  and  appertain  to 
Rowan  County. 

The  design  was  to  include  in  Rowan  all  that  part  of  Anson 
which  lay  within  Earl  Granville's  tract,  that  is,  all  north  of  lati- 
tude 35°  34'  as  far  north  as  the  Virginia  line.  As  near  as  can  be 
determined,  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  new  county  was  a  line 
running  north  and  south  along  the  eastern  boundaries  of  the  pres- 
ent counties  of  Randolph,  Guilford,  and  Rockingham.  The  south- 
ern boundary  line,  beginning  at  the  southeast  corner  of  Randolph, 
ran  due  west  along  Earl  Granville's  line,  on  the  south  side  of  Ran- 
dolph, Davidson,  Rowan,  and  Iredell,  as  they  now  exist,  to  the 
Catawba  River  a  short  distance  above  Beattie's  Ford,  thence  due 
west,  cutting  into  Lincoln  County  and  running  a  few  miles  north 
of  Lincolnton,  through  Cleveland  and  Rutherford,  through  Hick- 
ory ISTut  Gap,  and  on  through  Buncombe,  Haywood,  Jackson, 
Macon,  and  Cherokee,  and  on  to  the  westward  indefinitely.  Ac- 
cording to  the  terms  of  the  act  Rowan  extended  as  far  west  as  the 
South  Seas.     At  the  time,  however,  the  region  west  of  the  moun- 


22Col.  Rec,  V,  59-60. 
23Col.  Rec,  V,  53. 
24State  Rec,  XXIII,  390. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  15 

tains  was  unknown  and  the  French  territory  of  Louisiana  practi- 
cally made  the  Mississippi  River  the  western  limit.25 

In  1754,  the  act  to  establish  Rowan  County  was  revoked  by 
George  II  simultaneously  with  the  acts  establishing  Orange  and 
Cumberland,  which  had  been  passed  a  short  time  before.  Arthur 
Dobbs,  the  newly  arrived  governor,  in  a  letter  to  the  Board  of 
Trade,  dated  November  9,  1754,  recommended  that  such  be  done.26 
The  reasons  assigned  for  the  revocation  of  these  acts  are  that  the 
General  Assembly  had  begun  to  exercise  more  authority  than  was 
entirely  agreeable  to  the  royal  government  in  England,  and  by  the 
establishment  of  new  counties  the  Assembly  was  increased  in  mem- 
bership too  rapidly.27  In  1756  the  Assembly  itself  repealed  the 
act  creating  Rowan. 2S  In  the  same  year,  however,  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  king,  Rowan,  Orange,  and  Cumberland  were  reestab- 
lished with  the  same  boundaries  and  limits  as  formerly,  and  all 
deeds  and  conveyances  of  land  made  during  the  period  of  the  revo- 
cation were  declared  valid.29  Salisbury  had  already  been  selected 
as  the  county-seat  of  Rowan  and  a  village  had  commenced  to  grow 
up  there.30 

In  the  autumn  of  the  year  in  which  the  Wachovia  Tract  was 
conveyed  to  the  Moravians  the  first  colonists,  twelve  unmarried 
Brethren,  came  overland  from  Bethlehem,  Pennsylvania,  where  a 
strong  Moravian  settlement  existed,  and  founded  Bethabara.  The 
group  consisted  of  the  Rev.  Bernhard  Adam  Grube,  the  pastor, 
Jacob  Loesch  (Lash),  the  warden  or  business  manager,  Dr.  Hans 
Martin  Kalberlahn,  a  physician,  Hans  Peterson,  a  tailor,  Christo- 
pher Merkly,  a  baker,  Herman  Loesch  (Lash),  a  farmer,  Erich 
Ingebretsen,  a  carpenter,  Johannes  Lisher,  a  farmer,  Henrich 
Feldhausen,  a  carpenter,  Jacob  Lung,  a  gardener,  Friedrich  Jacob 
Pfeil,  a  shoemaker  and  tanner,  and  Jacob  Beroth,  a  farmer.31  The 
zeal  with  which  the  Moravians  labored  in  their  new  home  is  best 
described  by  Dr.  Clewell. 

During  the  first  year  not  less  than  fifty  acres  of  land  had  been  pre- 
pared for  farming  purposes.    They  recognized  that,  in  this  sparsely  set- 


26Rumple,  32-33. 

26Col.  Rec,  V,  151. 

27Rumple,  34-35. 

28State  Rec,  XXIII,  446-447. 

^State  Rec,  XXIII,  470-471. 

30Col.  Rec,  V,  355. 

31Clewell,  13-31. 


16  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

tied  section,  it  would  be  difficult  to  secure  provisions,  hence  at  the  very 
outset  they  began  to  raise  cattle  and  to  plant  a  variety  of  grain  for 
their  future  use  and  comfort.  In  the  first  summer  they  gathered  wheat, 
corn,  flax,  millet,  barley,  oats,  buckwheat,  turnips,  cotton  and  tobacco, 
in  addition  to  the  garden  vegetables.  Fruit  trees  were  planted  and  va- 
rious kinds  of  medicinal  herbs.  .  .  .  Diversity  of  industries  is  said 
to  be  the  real  test  of  the  prosperity  of  a  place.  In  1754,  with  the  great 
strain  of  clearing  land  and  building  houses,  we  find  the  record  of  trade 
commenced  with  their  neighbors,  and  the  notes  indicate  that  they  had 
in  operation  the  following:  Carpenter  shop,  shoe  shop,  tailor  establish- 
ment, tannery,  pottery,  cooper  shop,  blacksmith  shop.32 

In  October,  1755,  two  years  after  the  establishment  of  Rowan 
County  and  St.  Luke's  Parish,  upon  the  request  of  the  Moravians 
of  Wachovia,  the  Assembly  passed  an  act  creating  Wachovia  into 
a  separate  and  distinct  parish  with  all  the  privileges  and  immuni- 
ties which  the  other  parishes  of  the  province  enjoyed.  The  new 
parish  was  called  Dobbs  in  honor  of  the  Governor.33 

In  1759  eight  married  couples  from  Bethabara  and  others 
founded  Bethania,  three  miles  northwest  of  Bethabara.  Settlers 
continued  to  come  to  Wachovia.  In  1766  the  settlement  of  Salem 
was  begun.34  A  few  years  later  Friedberg,  which  had  gradually 
grown  up  in  southern  Wachovia,  and  Friedland,  in  the  southeast 
of  the  tract,  which  was  partly  settled  by  Germans  from  Broad 
Bay  in  the  present  State  of  Maine,  were  formally  set  off  and  recog- 
nized.35 

The  growth  of  Rowan  in  population  was  continual  and  rapid 
from  the  beginning,  except  during  the  Indian  wars  of  1759-60, 
when  the  Cherokees  devastated  the  outlying  settlements.  At  that 
time  immigration  almost  ceased.36  The  immigrants  obtained  titles 
to  Earl  Granville's  lands  through  his  agents,  Francis  Corbin  and 
James  Innes.37  The  land  offices  in  his  territory  were  closed  at  his 
death  in  1763.38  The  offices  remained  closed  until  1773,  when 
Governor  Josiah  Martin  was  appointed  agent.39  In  the  confusion 
existent  just  before  the  Revolution  the  taking  out  of  grants,  how- 


32Clewell,  24-25. 

33Col.  Rec,  V,  558;   State  Rec.  XXIII,  438-9  ;   Fries,  22-25. 

34Fries,  26,  28. 

36Clewell,  76-79. 

36Ashe,  303. 

"Rumple,  34. 

38Ashe,  320. 

39Ashe,  410. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  17 

ever,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  resumed.  Despite  the  fact  that 
no  titles  to  land  could  be  obtained  after  1763  settlers  continued 
to  move  into  the  Granville  tract.  Much  discontent  arose  among 
the  inhabitants,  some  dreading  the  expected  reopening  of  the  land 
offices  because  of  the  abuses  of  the  agents,  and  others  being  dis- 
pleased because  they  could  not  obtain  title  to  the  lands  improved 
by  their  efforts.40  It  was  during  this  time  that  the  Jersey  Settle- 
ment on  the  east  side  of  the  Yadkin,  some  nine  miles  from  Salis- 
bury, was  made  by  settlers  from  ISTew  Jersey.41 

Prior  to  Granville's  death  the  quarrel  which  had  arisen  between 
him  and  Henry  McCulloh  was  settled.  Sixteen  hundred  square 
miles  of  land  between  the  Uwharrie  and  the  Catawba  had  been  set 
aside  from  Henry  McCulloh,  who  had  received  grants  on  the  head- 
waters of  the  ISTeuse,  Pee  Dee,  and  Cape  Fear  rivers  from  the 
Crown  about  the  year  1736. 42  As  the  land  between  the  Uwharrie 
and  the  Catawba  lay  within  Earl  Granville's  territory  a  disagree- 
ment as  to  ownership  naturally  resulted.  The  controversy  was 
concluded  by  a  compact  that  McCulloh  should  become  Granville's 
tenant,  and  in  lieu  of  all  other  rents,  pay  an  annual  sum  of  400 
pounds  from  1757  until  1760,  after  which  date  he  was  to  pay  4 
shillings  for  every  hundred  acres  retained  by  him,  but  was  to 
reconvey  and  surrender  to  Granville  all  lands  not  then  settled.43 

About  1761  Henry  E.  McCulloh,  his  son,  came  to  North  Caro- 
lina and  began  to  dispose  of  his  father's  lands  in  Rowan  for  reason- 
able prices.  In  four  years  time  he  disposed  of  and  laid  off  all  of 
his  father's  tracts  in  Rowan  and  gave  deeds  for  the  same  to  the 
purchasers.44 

At  the  beginning  of  1766  Governor  Tryon  said  he  thought  that 
North  Carolina  was  being  settled  faster  than  any  other  province, 
and  that  in  the  preceding  autumn  and  winter  about  one  thousand 
wagons  with  families  accompanying  them  passed  through  Salis- 
bury.40 As  the  population  multiplied  and  settlements  were  made 
in  the  outlying  parts  of  the  county,  the  inhabitants  of  communities 
distant  from  the  seat  of  government  began  to  demand  the  erection 

*>Ashe,  320,  401. 

""Ashe,  380. 

^Ashe,  277,  253. 

43Ashe,  292. 

""Col.  Rec,  VII,  15-16. 

""Col.  Rec,  VII,  248.      \ 


18  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

of  counties  in  their  respective  neighborhoods,  in  order  that  the 
administration  of  public  affairs  might  be  carried  on  with  greater 
convenience.  Bills  were  introduced  in  the  Assemblies  of  1766  and 
1768  to  erect  the  western  part  of  Orange  and  the  eastern  part  of 
Rowan  into  a  new  county.  These,  however,  failed  to  be  enacted 
into  law.46 

In  January,  1771,  Griffith  Rutherford,  a  member  of  the  Assem- 
bly from  Rowan,  introduced  a  bill  for  ascertaining  the  boundary 
line  between  Rowan  and  the  counties  of  Mecklenburg  and  Tryon, 
which  lay  to  the  south.47  This  measure  was  expedient  because  the 
settlers  on  the  borders  of  the  three  counties  refused  to  pay  their 
taxes  in  any  of  them.  Lord  Granville's  line  had  never  been  sur- 
veyed so  far  westward.  Thomas  Weal,  Thomas  Polk,  Matthew 
Locke,  Griffith  Rutherford,  and  Peter  Johnston  were  appointed  to 
run  the  line,  and  the  inferior  courts  of  the  three  counties  were 
authorized  to  levy  a  tax  sufficient  to  defray  the  expense.48 

At  the  same  session  the  General  Assembly  recognized  the  urgent 
necessity  of  setting  up  new  counties  within  the  vast  territory  em- 
braced by  Rowan.  A  bill  was  passed  establishing  Guilford  County 
and  Unity  Parish  in  the  region  lying  between  Salisbury  and  Hills- 
boro.49  Guilford,  which  was  named  for  Francis  Worth,  Earl  of 
Guilford,  and  father  of  Lord  North,  Prime  Minister  of  George  III 
during  the  Revolution,  was  composed  of  territory  taken  from 
Rowan  and  Orange.  The  portion  taken  from  Rowan  was  that 
which  now  makes  up  the  counties  of  Guilford,  Rockingham,  and 
Randolph.  John  Pryor,  Edmund  Fanning,  Alexander  Martin, 
Matthew  Locke,  John  Dunn,  Griffith  Rutherford,  and  John  Camp- 
bell were  appointed  a  committee  with  authority  to  run  the  lines 
and  contract  with  workmen  for  the  building  of  the  courthouse, 
prison,  and  stocks  for  Guilford  County.50 

Another  act  passed  by  the  same  Assembly  established  Surry 
County  and  St.  Jude's  Parish  in  the  north  of  Rowan.51  Surry 
was  named  in  honor  of  Lord  Surrey,  a  prominent  member  of  Par- 
liament who  opposed  the  taxation  of  the  American  colonies  by 


^Col.  Rec,  VII,  325,  364,  915,  929. 
47Col.  Rec,  VIII,  422-423,  384. 
""State  Rec,  XXIII,  841-842. 
49Col.  Rec,  VIII,  363. 
B0State  Rec,  XXIII,  823-826. 
51Col.  Rec,  VIII,  380. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  19 

that  body.  Governor  Tryon  considered  these  acts  very  timely  be- 
cause of  the  too  great  extent  of  Rowan.  He  declared  that  the 
creation  of  Guilford  out  of  Rowan  and  Orange  was  "a  truly  politi- 
cal act,"  for  it  separated  the  main  body  of  the  Regulators  from 
Orange  and  put  them  in  the  new  county.52 

By  the  act  of  January,  1771,  the  boundary  between  Rowan  and 
Surry  began  at  a  point  in  the  Guilford  line  forty-two  miles  north 
of  the  Granville  line,  and  ran  due  west  parallel  to  the  southern 
limit  of  Granville's  tract.53  This  line  split  the  Wachovia  Tract, 
or  Dobbs  Parish,  into  halves  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Moravians. 
The  inhabitants  of  Dobbs  Parish  found  it  more  convenient  to 
transact  their  business  in  and  to  attend  the  courts  of  Surry  County. 
Accordingly  they  petitioned  the  Assembly  to  pass  a  law  including 
the  entire  Wachovia  Tract  in  Surry.54  Although  it  was  asserted 
that  such  alteration  of  the  boundary  would  "greatly  facilitate  the 
inhabitants  of  the  north  part  of  Rowan  and  enable  the  people  of 
Surry  to  erect  their  public  buildings,"  the  lower  house  rejected  a 
bill  for  the  alteration  of  the  line  at  its  meeting  in  December, 
1771.55 

In  1773  the  request  of  the  residents  of  Wachovia  was  acceded 
to.  The  Assembly  enacted  that  the  line  between  Rowan  and  Surry 
should  begin  at  a  point  in  the  line  dividing  Guilford  and  Rowan 
counties,  thirty-six  miles  north  of  the  southeast  corner  of  Rowan, 
and  run  west  to  the  range  separating  the  waters  of  the  Yadkin  and 
Catawba  rivers,  and  thence  follow  that  ridge  and  the  mountains 
northward  to  the  Virginia  line.  The  boundary  was  parallel  to 
the  southern  line  of  the  Granville  grant  save  where  the  bounds  of 
Wachovia  interfered,  all  of  this  tract  being  included  in  the  county 
of  Surry,  and  Dobbs  Parish  being  established  separate  and  dis- 
tinct from  St.  Jude's.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  ascertain 
the  boundaries  and  take  charge  of  the  erection  of  the  public  build- 
ings of  Surry.  Griffith  Rutherford,  Anthony  Hampton,  John 
Braby,  Robert  Lanier,  and  Christian  Ruiter  were  the  members  of 
the  committee.56    During  the  following  year,  as  the  work  on  the 


B2Col.  Rec,  VIII,  527. 

B3State  Rec,  XXIII,  844-846. 

MCol.  Rec,  IX,  47. 

55Col.  Rec,  IX,  153-190. 

^Col.  Rec,  IX,  443,  583  ;   State  Rec,  XXIII,  906-907. 


20  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

public  buildings  was  unfinished  and  a  majority  of  the  commis- 
sioners resided  in  Rowan,  a  new  commission  composed  of  residents 
of  Surry  was  chosen  by  the  Assembly.57 

The  attempts  to  establish  a  county  in  western  Rowan  were  un- 
successful, though  Rutherford  proposed  bills  for  that  purpose  in 
1771  and  1773.58  By  1771  the  western  settlements  had  reached 
far  into  the  mountains.  Many  of  the  settlers  lived  more  than  one 
hundred  miles  from  Salisbury,  and  as  there  were  no  magistrates 
among  the  far  outlying  settlements  the  administration  of  the  laws 
in  those  parts  was  a  matter  of  great  difficulty.59 

During  colonial  times  the  only  records  regularly  kept  of  the 
number  of  inhabitants  were  those  computed  in  terms  of  the  tax- 
ables.  A  taxable  was  a  white  male  above  sixteen  years  of  age  or 
a  negro  or  mulatto  slave  of  either  sex  above  twelve  years.60  The 
returns  for  1754  show  that  the  number  of  taxables  in  Rowan  one 
year  after  its  organization  were  1,170,  1,116  being  whites  and  54 
blacks.61  Thirteen  years  later  the  number  of  taxables  had  in- 
creased to  3,643.63  The  population  continued  to  grow  proportion- 
ately. The  people  of  Rowan  were  sturdy,  hardy,  industrious, 
brave  and  enterprising,  and  did  their  "bit"  in  laying  foundations 
for  the  new  nation  that  was  to  be  born  in  the  western  world. 


CHAPTER  III 

Colonial  Salisbury 

The  first  Court  of  Pleas  and  Quarter  Sessions  met  somewhere 
in  the  county  in  June,  1753.  The  place  of  its  meeting  is  un- 
known.1 The  court  chose  a  site  for  the  public  buildings  of  Rowan, 
and  Edward  Hughes  was  directed  to  obtain  a  grant  of  forty  acres 
from  Earl  Granville's  agents  for  this  purpose.  John  Dunn  and 
John  Whitsett  were  appointed  to  see  that  the  land  was  laid  off  in 
a  suitable  manner,  and  the  latter  was  awarded  the  contract  for 


B7Col.  Rec,  IX,  927;    State  Rec,  XXIII,  973. 

B8Col.  Rec,  IX,  116,  117,  461,  506. 

B9Col.  Rec,  IX,  91-92. 

aoCol.  Rec,  VII,  487. 

elCol.  Rec,  V,  152,  320,  575. 

62Col.  Rec,  VII,  539. 

Rumple,  35. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  21 

building  the  courthouse.  This  house,  the  court  directed,  should 
be  of  framework,  weatherboarded,  thirty  feet  long  and  twenty 
wide,  a  story  and  a  half  high,  with  two  floors,  the  lower  one  raised 
two  feet  above  the  ground.  It  was  to  be  provided  with  an  oval 
bar  and  a  bench  raised  three  feet  from  the  floor.  There  was  to  be 
a  good  window  behind  the  bench,  with  glass  in  it,  and  a  window 
near  the  middle  of  each  side,  and  a  door  in  the  end  opposite  the 
bench.2 

The  deed  for  the  township  lands  is  dated  February  11,  1755. 
On  that  day  William  Churton  and  Richard  Yigers,  Granville's 
agents,  conveyed  635  acres  of  land  for  "Salisbury  Township"  to 
James  Carter  and  Hugh  Foster,  trustees  for  Rowan  County.  The 
land  upon  which  the  public  buildings  had  been  erected  was  in- 
cluded in  this  tract.3  Salisbury  received  its  name  from  Salisbury, 
England,  on  the  banks  of  the  Avon  River.4  Dr.  Rumple  says  that 
the  courthouse  was  not  completed  before  1756,  although  the  jail, 
pillory,  and  stocks  were  finished  and  in  use  before  that  date.5 
Governor  Dobbs,  however,  who  passed  through  Salisbury  in  the 
summer  of  the  preceding  year,  found  the  town  just  laid  out,  the 
courthouse  built  and  seven  or  eight  log  houses  erected.6  In  1755 
and  1756  John  Ryle,  John  Lewis  Beard,  Peter  Arrand,  Jacob 
Francks,  Archibald  Craige,  James  Bower,  and  Thomas  Bashford 
and  Robert  Gillespie  were  licensed  to  conduct  ordinaries,  or  inns, 
in  Salisbury.7  Among  the  other  early  residents  of  the  town  appear 
James  Alexander,  who  died  there  in  1754,  John  Dunn,  an  Irish- 
man, and  an  Oxford  man,  "William  Temple  Cole,  who  conducted 
an  inn,  and  John  and  Thomas  Frohock. 

As  most  of  the  settlers  built  their  homes  where  they  could  ob- 
tain large  and  fertile  farms,  the  growth  of  Salisbury  was  slow.  In 
early  times  it  was  composed  of  the  public  buildings,  the  residences 
of  some  of  the  county  officials,  a  store  or  two,  a  hatter  shop,  a 
blacksmith  shop,  and  a  few  inns.  Nevertheless,  Salisbury  was  a 
place  of  considerable  importance.     Here  the  county  courts,  the 


2Rumple,  44-47. 
3Rumple,  47. 
"Hunter,  166. 
'Rumple,  46. 
eCol.  Rec,  V,  355. 
'Rumple,  42. 


22  James  Sprttnt  Historical  Publications 

courts  of  oyer  and  terminer  and  general  jail  delivery,  and  the 
Superior  Courts  of  the  western  counties  were  held.8 

In  1766  Salisbury  returned  its  first  member  to  the  Assembly  as 
a  borough  town.9 

In  1770  a  special  statute  was  passed  by  the  Assembly  called  "An 
act  for  regulating  Salisbury."  The  preamble  stated  that  the  town 
had  "a  healthy,  pleasant  situation,  well  watered,  and  convenient 
for  inland  trade."  It  was  enacted  that  the  county  courts  and  the 
superior  courts  for  the  District  of  Salisbury  and  all  public  elec- 
tions should  thenceforth  be  held  at  Salisbury.  The  sheriff,  the 
clerk  of  the  court  for  the  county,  and  the  register  were  required 
to  maintain  their  offices  in  the  town.  The  citizens  were  required, 
under  penalty  of  fine,  to  clear,  repair  and  pave  the  streets  when- 
ever it  was  deemed  necessary,  and  they  were  forbidden  to  throw 
rubbish  into  them.  Such  citizens  as  allowed  their  "hogs,  shoats, 
or  pigs"  to  run  at  large  in  the  town  should  pay  20  shillings  procla- 
mation money  to  the  party  whose  property  was  damaged  thereby, 
and  forfeit  the  hogs.  It  was  lawful  for  any  one  to  kill  swine  run- 
ning at  large. 

In  order  to  afford  protection  against  fires,  every  householder  was 
compelled  to  keep  two  "sufficient"  leather  buckets  and  a  ladder 
always  ready  for  use.  The  title  to  the  burying  ground  was  vested 
in  a  body  of  commissioners  appointed  by  the  act.  Immoderate 
riding  and  driving  were  prohibited  under  penalty  of  5  shillings. 
All  persons  owning  land  within  the  original  plan  of  the  town  and 
adjoining  either  side  of  Corbin  and  Innes  streets,  the  two  main 
streets  of  the  village,  were  required  to  build  a  "house,  twenty-four 
feet  by  sixteen  feet  in  the  clear,  of  brick,  stone,  or  hewed  logs, 
with  either  a  good  brick  or  a  stone  chimney,"  within  three  years 
after  the  passage  of  the  act.  Failure  to  do  so  entailed  a  forfeiture 
of  the  land  to  the  town.  Those  persons  owning  a  lot  or  part  of  a 
lot  adjoining  the  two  streets  running  parallel  to  Corbin  and  Innes 
streets  were  required  to  build  a  house  of  like  dimensions  within 
four  years.  It  was  provided,  however,  that  these  conditions  should 
not  be  construed  to  affect  or  invalidate  the  claim  of  any  infant  or 
married  woman. 


"Rumple,  61-63. 

9N.  0.  Manual  (1913),  381. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  23 

I  j   i  I 

All  persons  in  Salisbury,  including  servants,  slaves,  and  trav- 
elers, were  allowed  free  access  to  all  springs  and  natural  fountains 
of  water  in  the  town  and  the  town  common,  and  trees  standing 
upon  the  town  common  could  be  cut  down  by  any  person  for  sale 
or  use.  The  town  commissioners  were  authorized  to  select  and 
lay  out  a  suitable  place  for  a  market  and  other  public  buildings. 

William  Steele,  John  Dunn,  Maxwell  Chambers,  John  Lewis 
Beard,  Thomas  Trohock,  William  Temple  Cole,  Matthew  Troy, 
Peter  Rep,  James  Kerr,  Alexander  Martin,  and  Daniel  Little  were 
appointed  town  commissioners.  They  were  to  hold  office  for  life. 
In  case  of  removal  of  any  commissioner  the  county  court  had 
power  to  appoint  his  successor.  Other  provisions  in  the  interest  of 
government  and  sanitation  were  included  in  the  act.10 

All  acts  passed  before  the  Revolution  for  building  new  public 
buildings  in  Salisbury  in  place  of  the  old  resulted  in  failure.  In 
1764  a  poll  tax  was  laid  on  the  taxables  of  Rowan,  Anson,  and 
Mecklenburg,  the  counties  which  composed  Salisbury  District,  for 
repairing  the  jail  and  building  a  wall  around  the  same  and  for 
erecting  a  jailer's  house.11  Laws  passed  by  the  Assembly  in  1766 
and  1771  for  building  a  new  jail,  pillory,  and  stocks  were  not  car- 
ried out,  the  War  of  the  Regulation  preventing  their  execution.12 
In  1771  the  courthouse  at  Salisbury  was  said  to  be  "greatly  de- 
cayed and  in  so  ruinous  a  condition  that  courts  cannot  be  held 
there."  A  committee  was  appointed  to  contract  with  workmen  for 
building  a  new  courthouse  on  the  site  of  the  old  one,  and  a  tax  was 
laid  on  the  taxables  of  Salisbury  District  for  this  purpose.13  As 
the  tax  authorized  was  insufficient,  an  additional  tax  was  laid  on 
the  people  of  Rowan  County.  The  commissioners  being  residents 
of  different  counties  and  living  at  a  great  distance  from  each 
other  these  efforts  came  to  naught.  Another  committee,  appointed 
in  1774,  likewise  failed  to  perform  the  trust  reposed  in  them,  and 
the  old  courthouse  continued  in  use.14 

The  members  of  the  Assembly  from  the  borough  of  Salisbury 
were  John  Mitchell  (1766-1768),  John  Dunn  (1769  and  1770- 
1771),  and  Hugh  Montgomery  (January,  1773,  and  1773-1774). 

"State  Rec,  XXIII,  810-813. 
"State  Rec,  XXIII,  621-622. 
"State  Rec,  XXIII,  750-752,  863. 
"State  Rec,  XXIII,  866. 
"State  Rec,  XXIII,  927,  971-972. 


-4  Jaiees  Spbunt  Historical  Publications 

The  members  in  the  Provincial  Congresses  were  "William  Ken- 
non  (August,  1774).  Hugh  Montgomery,  and  Robert  Rowan  (Au- 
gust. 1775).  and  David  Xisbet  (April,  1776 ).15 


CHAPTER  IT 

Relations  with  the  Indians 

The  contest  between  England  and  France  for  supremacy  in 
North  America,  which  had  ceased  for  the  time  being  with  the 
treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  1748,  was  renewed  in  1754.  Most  of 
the  tribes  of  Xorth  America  were  in  alliance  with  the  enemy. 
The  frontier  of  Xorth  Carolina  was  placed  in  a  very  precarious 
situation.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  Cherokees  and  Ca- 
tawbas  were  friendly  to  the  frontiersmen,  but  soon  the  savages 
began  to  molest  the  whites.  There  was  great  uneasiness  among 
the  people  of  Anson  and  Rowan  because  they  did  not  know  at 
what  moment  the  Indians  might  take  up  the  tomahawk  against 
the  settlements. 

Early  in  the  year  1754  1.000  pounds  in  proclamation  money — 
that  is,  in  money  which  was  issued  by  the  provincial  government 
and  which  was  greatly  depreciated  in  value — was  appropriated  to 
buy  arms  for  the  poorer  inhabitants  of  Rowan  and  Anson.1  The 
expenditure  of  this  money  was  entrusted  to  commissioners  in  the 
two  counties.  'James  Carter  and  .John  Brandon  being  the  commis- 
sioners in  Rowan.2  The  commissioners  wasted  a  part  of  the  sum 
and  neglected  to  apply  all  of  it  for  the  purpose  designated.  The 
final  result  of  the  misuse  of  these  public  funds  was  that  the  bonds 
given  for  the  faithful  execution  of  the  trust  were  put  to  suit.  In 
Xovember,  1757,  James  Carter  was  expelled  from  his  seat  in  the 
Assembly  as  member  for  Rowan,  and  in  the  following  year  judg- 
ments were  obtained  against  the  commissioners  and  their  sureties 
for  the  amounts  unaccounted  for.3 

In  May.  1754,  complaints  were  made  by  the  magistrates  and 


"W.C  Manual     1913),  381,  408. 

■\  :  '-.- .   f,ios 

:S:i:~  Bee     XXIII.  394. 
«CW  Bee-  V.  892.  1082 


A  Co&osiax  Histost    :t  Boreas  Coxtstt  i: 

militia  officers  of  Rowan  that  a  party   :t  Indians,   supposed  tc 
have  been  Catawbas.  tad  committed  several  gross  abuses   :r_  die 

people  of  Rowan  and  An  >r>n>  Alexander  L'sztraie  and  .  noes 
Carter  were  directed  by  the  Assembly  tc  investigate  the  alleged 
grievances  and  to  represent  the  same  to  die  Indians.  In  August 
they  consulted  with.  King  Hagier  and  ::it?  —  arriors  ::'  the  Ca- 
tawba nation  at  the  house  ::'  Matthew  _  : :_e.  ~_:  :.  ~-:-  I  a  inter- 
preter.  It  developed  that  s:r_e  ::'  the  youn ■  warriors  :t  Ibe  Car 
tawbas  had  been  guilty  ::'  aome  misconduct,  King  TTagfer  bud  the 
blame  for  their  actions  upon  die  whites  whs  ?:.a  Kstrong  spirits 
to  the  braves.  The  Catawbaa  promised  ::  give  assistance  tc  the 
Xorth  Carolinians  and  Virginians  in  sase  die  war  Bontinned 

A  few  weeks  later  Matthew  Rowan,  w he  as  president  ::'  the 
Council  acted  as  governor  luring  die  interim  bet  een  Gabriel 
Johnston's  death  and  Arthur  17':':: 5'  arrival,  :r:-:~f:  intelligence 
from  Colonel  Clark,  of  Anson,  that  sixteen  whites  bad  :eer_  mur- 
dered and  ten  carried  into  captivity  by  Indians.  _  hereug  m  Rowan 
sent  the  available  supply  of  powder  and  lead  tc  the  frontier  and 
ordered  Colonel  Smith,  the  com -mar  -"--.--  :— :er  ::'  Rowan  '.  ::v:.-~. 
to  cooperate  with.  Colonel  Clark.'  Fhese  facta  serve  te  ;a-e  in 
idea  of  the  state  of  uncertain—  prevalent  in  the  —^r 

The  defeat  of  General  Braddoek  by  the  French  and  Indiana  00 
the  Alonongahela  in  July.  17: 5,  left  the  western  frontier  :t  the 
southern  colonies  at  tne  mercy  of  tne  hostile  Tndians.  Fhe  te~5 
of  the  defeat  reached  Gorernor  I  >bbs  while  _e  —  aa  inspecting 
conditions  in  tne  frontier  eountrv.  He  summoned  the  field  ifaeera 
of  tne  militia  of  Rowan  and  Anson  tc  r_ee~  him  at  me  Yaikin 
At  tne  meeting  he  ordered  that  n:':_  ::'  the  m:s:  active  men  ::'  die 
militia  of  each  county  be  placed  under  the  command  ::'  '  aptain 
Hugh  "VTaddelL  He  also  directed  that  "he  militia  should  ;:m 
^aidell  when  necessary,  and  that  Waddeil  sii  a!  i  assist  them  in 
case  of  an  incursion."  Cat  "tit.  WaddeD  was  a-  -he  west  at  this 
time  in  charge  of  a  company  ::'  frontiersmen.8  Thoogh  he  was 
not  a  resident  of  Rowan  he   owned  land  in  the   Bounty  and  was 


•Col  ttco    V  1T5-1T6 

;_~:'.  Kee^  V.  141  '.'  t*f 
■Osl  Bet,  V.  1444 
TCoL  See.  V   \  5  2 
5  Ashe.  aS9 


26  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 


prominently  connected  with  public  affairs  in  the  west  for  a  con- 
siderable time.9 

Upon  his  return  to  New  Bern  in  September  Dobbs  addressed 
the  Assembly  in  regard  to  the  dismal  state  of  affairs  existing  in 
the  western  counties.  He  asked  that  body  to  grant  aid  for  the 
defense  of  the  distressed  inhabitants  of  the  frontier  and  for  offen- 
sive warfare  against  the  enemy,  and  recommended  the  erection  of 
a  fort  for  refuge  to  the  settlers.  He  had  chosen  the  site  for  such 
a  fort  between  Third  and  Fourth  creeks  in  Rowan  during  the 
summer. 

In  this  emergency  the  Assembly  willingly  agreed  to  appropriate 
funds  for  the  building  of  a  fort  on  the  western  border.  Fort 
Dobbs,  as  the  stronghold  was  called,  was  built  in  1756  under  the 
supervision  of  Captain  Waddell.10  It  stood  on  an  eminence  on 
Third  Creek,  good  springs  near  by  furnishing  water  for  the  garri- 
son.11 Soon  after  its  completion  Richard  Caswell  and  Francis 
Brown  were  sent  by  the  Assembly  to  view  the  western  settlements, 
to  find  sites  for  other  fortifications,  and  to  inspect  Fort  Dobbs. 
Their  report  included  the  following  quotation : 

And  that  they  had  likewise  viewed  the  State  of  Fort  Dobbs,  and 
found  it  to  be  a  good  and  Substantial  Building  of  the  Dimentions  fol- 
lowing (that  is  to  say)  The  Oblong  Square  fifty-three  feet  by  forty,  the 
opposite  Angles  Twenty-four  feet  and  Twenty-two,  in  height  Twenty- 
four  and  a  half  feet  as  by  the  Plan  annexed  Appears,  the  Thickness  of 
the  Walls  which  are  made  of  Oak  Logs  regularly  diminished  from  six- 
teen Inches  to  Six,  it  contains  three  floors,  and  there  may  be  discharged 
from  each  floor  at  one  and  the  same  time  about  one  hundred  Musketts; 
the  same  is  beautifully  situated  in  the  fork  of  Fourth  Creek,  a  Branch 
of  the  Yadkin  River.  And  they  also  found  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Hugh  Waddell  Forty-six  Effective  men  Officers  and  Soldiers,  as  by  the 
List  to  the  said  Report  Annexed  Appears,  the  same  being  sworn  to  by 
the  said  Capt.  in  their  Presence,  the  said  Officers  and  Soldiers  Appear- 
ing well  and  in  Good  Spirits) — Signed  the  21st  day  of  December,  1756. 

In  the  same  year  Captain  Waddell  entered  into  an  offensive  and 
defensive  treaty  with  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees  in  behalf  of 
the  Assembly.     Atta-Kulla-Kulla,  of  the  Cherokeee  nation,  whom 


"Waddell,  32. 

10Ashe,  291;  Waddell,  30-31. 

"Ashe,  290. 

"Waddell,  35-36. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  27 

Hewat  "esteemed  to  be  the  wisest  man  of  the  nation  and  the  most 
steady  friend  of  the  English,"  and  Oraloswa,  King  Hagler,  and 
others  of  the  Catawba  tribe,  were  the  representatives  of  the  In- 
dians who  agreed  to  the  compact.  By  one  of  the  stipulations  of 
the  treaty  IsTorth  Carolina  undertook  to  erect  a  fort  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Catawbas.  It  is  not  known  where  this  fort  was 
built,  but  the  location  is  thought  to  have  been  at  Old  Fort  in 
McDowell  County.13  After  making  the  treaty  Waddell  remained 
on  the  frontier  with  his  command  until  November,  1757,  when  he 
took  his  seat  in  the  Assembly  as  successor  to  James  Carter.14 
Captain  Andrew  Bailey  was  in  command  of  another  company 
employed  in  Rowan.15 

Having  endured  some  discomforts  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians 
and  being  disturbed  by  accounts  of  the  massacre  of  their  Brethren 
in  Pennsylvania,  the  inhabitants  of  Bethabara,  in  Wachovia,  forti- 
fied their  town  with  stockades.  This  was  done  in  July,  1756. 16 
An  independent  company  of  militia  was  formed  by  the  Moravians 
for  defense,  and  Jacob  Loesch  was  commissioned  as  its  captain.17 

In  1757,  after  returning  from  a  campaign  in  Virginia,  a  party 
of  Catawbas  robbed  a  wagon.  They  were  followed  and  the  stolen 
goods  were  retaken.  Thereupon  the  Catawbas  returned  and  in- 
sulted the  Chief  Justice,  who  was  holding  court  in  Salisbury.  In 
May,  1758,  a  petition  was  read  in  the  Assembly  setting  forth  that 
murders  recently  committed  on  the  Dan  River  in  the  northern 
part  of  Rowan  County  had  caused  the  settlers  of  the  forks  of  the 
Yadkin  to  abandon  their  settlements  and  praying  that  Captain 
Bailey,  who  had  succeeded  Waddell,  and  his  company,  or  some 
other,  be  continued  for  their  protection.18 

The  Cherokees,  however,  adhered  to  the  provisions  of  the  treaty 
of  1756.  Hugh  Waddell,  who  was  now  a  major,  led  one  hundred 
men  from  the  western  frontier  on  General  Forbes's  successful  ex- 
pedition against  Fort  Duquesne  in  1758.  They  were  accompanied 
by  a  number  of  Cherokee  warriors.19     As  a  convenience  to  the 


lsWaddell,  32-33. 

"Col.  Rec,  V,  897-898  ;   Waddell,  33. 

"Ashe,  291. 

leClewell,  36-42. 

"Col.  Rec,  V,  810. 

18Col.  Rec,  V,  1,  1010. 

19Ashe,  291-292. 


28  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Cherokee  allies,  commmissaries  were  appointed  in  the  western 
counties  to  furnish  necessaries  for  the  Indians  while  passing  to 
and  from  Virginia  in  the  service  of  the  colonies.  George  Smith 
was  commissary  for  Rowan.20  The  reports  of  the  Committee  of 
Public  Claims  of  the  province  show  that  others  were  allowed 
claims  for  furnishing  provisions  to  the  Indians  during  their  tran- 
sit to  and  from  Virginia.21  Many  Cherokees  and  Catawbas  going 
north  went  through  the  Moravian  communities,  where  they  were 
provided  with  food  and  kindly  treated.22 

When  returning  from  the  campaign  against  Port  Duquesne, 
worn  out  with  fatigue,  a  party  of  the  Cherokees  seized  a  number 
of  horses  running  wild  in  the  backwoods  of  Virginia  to  aid  them 
on  their  homeward  journey.  The  backwoodsmen  of  that  province 
fell  upon  them  and  killed  twelve  or  fourteen  of  the  warriors.  This 
act  provoked  the  Cherokees  to  hostility.23 

In  May,  1759,  Governor  Dobbs  informed  the  Assembly  that  he 
had  received  expresses  stating  that  several  murders  had  been  com- 
mitted by  Indians,  thought  to  have  been  Cherokees,  on  the  western 
frontier.  Major  Waddell  was  given  the  commission  of  colonel  and 
two  companies  of  provincials  to  protect  the  inhabitants  of  the 
west.  He  was  authorized  to  call  out  the  militia  of  Anson,  Rowan, 
and  Orange  if  the  Indian  devastations  should  continue.  In  the 
autumn  Governor  Lyttleton  of  South  Carolina  conducted  an  expe- 
dition against  the  Cherokees.  The  provincials  and  500  militia 
under  Colonel  Waddell  were  ordered  to  cooperate  with  Lyttleton. 
Though  the  great  majority  of  the  militia  refused  to  march  outside 
the  borders  of  North  Carolina,  Waddell  continued  his  march  with 
the  remainder  until  ordered  back  by  Lyttleton,  who  patched  up  a 
peace  with  the  Indians.24 

ISTow  the  Indians  burst  upon  the  settlements  with  all  their  fury. 
Captain  Ashe,  in  his  "History  of  Worth  Carolina,"  describes  the 
situation  in  this  manner  : 

In  October,  1759,  the  people  who  had  made  their  homes  on  the  waters 
of  the  Yadkin  and  Catawba  heard  with  dismay  that  the  Creeks  and 


20Col.  Rec,  V,  835,  853,  854. 

21Col.  Rec,  V,  978  et  seq. ;   Col.  Rec,  VI,  210. 

22Ashe,  290. 

23Waddell,  63-64. 

24Col.  Rec,  V,  Hi. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  29 

Cherokees,  theretofore  friendly,  had  declared  war  against  the  English. 
Bands  of  Indians  began  to  pass  the  denies  of  the  mountains  and  roam 
along  the  foothills.  A  reign  of  terror  set  in.  Accounts  of  atrocities 
and  butcheries  and  of  destroyed  homes  came  thick  and  fast  to  Salisbury 
and  Bethabara.  They  were  intensely  harrowing,  while  some  of  the 
escapes  were  marvelous.  Many  brave  men,  reluctant  to  abandon  their 
homes,  fortified  them  with  palisades,  and  forts  or  strong-houses  were 
erected  where  neighboring  families  could  assemble  for  safety.  The  men 
slept  with  their  rifles  at  hand,  and  the  most  resolute  were  in  dread  of 
stealthy  attack,  of  ambush,  and  of  having  their  houses  burned  at  night. 
It  was  then  that  Fort  Defiance  and  other  forts  in  that  region  were  hastily 
constructed  by  the  people. 

The  narratives  of  those  who  escaped  were  heartrending,  while  many 
men,  women  and  children  fell  victims  to  the  cruel  tomahawk  of  the 
merciless  foe.  Few  particular  accounts  of  these  individual  experiences 
have  been  preserved;  but  all  the  section  west  of  the  Catawba  and  of  the 
upper  Yadkin  was  desolated.-" 

On  February  27,  1760,  the  Indians  attacked  Fort  Dobbs,  but 
were  beaten  off  by  the  small  garrison  under  Colonel  "Waddell  and 
Captain  Bailey.26 

Though  atrocities  were  perpetrated  in  the  immediate  vicinity  by 
the  score  Bethabara  was  not  attacked.  This  village  was  a  city  of 
refuge  to  the  distressed.  For  six  weeks  the  Cherokees  devastated 
the  surrounding  country  and  waited  for  an  opportunity  to  assail 
the  town.  Once  when  a  large  body  had  stealthily  surrounded  the 
village,  they  retired  at  the  sound  of  the  village  bell,  fearing  that 
they  had  been  discovered.  Again,  under  similar  circumstances, 
they  retired  at  the  sound  of  the  watchman's  trumpet.  By  Easter, 
1760,  the  residents  and  refugees  of  Bethabara  were  secure,  for 
400  soldiers  had  arrived  at  the  town.27 

After  the  reduction  of  Canada,  Colonel  Grant  of  the  British 
Army  was  sent  south  to  lead  an  expedition  against  the  Cherokees. 
Early  in  1761  he  invaded  their  country  by  way  of  South  Carolina 
and  defeated  the  hostile  Indians.  The  Cherokees  sued  for  peace 
and  the  war  came  to  an  end.28 

The  end  of  the  struggle  was  followed  by  rapid  expansion  to  the 
west.    In  April,  1766,  Governor  Tryon  wrote  the  Board  of  Trade 


^Ashe,  299-300. 
MCol.  Rec,  VI,  229-230. 
27Ashe,  300-301. 
28Hartm,  Vol.  II,  150-151. 


30  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

that  Fort  Dobbs  was  then  in  ruins,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
province  had  extended  their  settlements  upwards  of  seventy  miles 
beyond  the  fort.29 

In  May  of  the  following  year  Tryon  went  to  Salisbury  to  have 
the  boundary  between  the  people  of  North  Carolina  and  the  Chero- 
kees  marked  out.  The  design  was  to  separate  their  respective 
lands  so  as  to  put  an  end  to  the  disputes  between  the  whites  and 
the  Cherokees  in  the  west,  which  had  resulted  in  bloodshed  more 
than  once.  At  Salisbury  Tryon  was  joined  by  John  Rutherford, 
Robert  Palmer,  and  John  Frohock,  who  had  been  appointed  to  run 
the  line.  They  were  later  joined  by  Alexander  Cameron,  Deputy 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  southern  colonies.  On 
May  21st  they  left  Salisbury  accompanied  by  detachments  from 
the  militia  regiments  of  Rowan  and  Mecklenburg.30  Colonel  Hugh 
Waddell  was  in  command  of  the  escort.  The  staff  officers  were 
Edmund  Fanning,  adjutant  general;  Isaac  Edwards,  aide-de-camp 
to  the  governor;  Captain  William  Frohock,  commissary;  and  Rev. 
John  Wills,  chaplain.  The  detachment  from  each  county  num- 
bered thirty-two  men,  the  one  from  Rowan  being  commanded  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Frohock,  and  the  one  from  Mecklenburg 
by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Moses  Alexander.31  Altogether,  including 
servants,  the  party  numbered  ninety-six  men.32  On  May  31st  the 
Indians  met  Tryon  and  his  escort,  and  the  governor  made  a  "talk" 
to  them.  Some  of  the  band  were  sent  back  to  Salisbury  with  an 
order  for  presents  worth  175  pounds,  which  the  Assembly  had 
appropriated  for  the  Indians  as  a  sign  of  friendship.  The  Chero- 
kees honored  Tryon  by  giving  him  the  title  of  Ohiah  Equah,  or 
Great  Wolf.33    The  meeting  occurred  in  South  Carolina. 

Tryon  departed  before  the  real  work  of  running  the  line  began. 
On  June  4  the  commisioners,  with  a  guard  of  twenty  men  and  the 
assistance  of  Cameron  and  Cherokee  representatives,  began  the 
actual  survey.  They  ran  the  line  as  far  north  as  Tryon  Mountain 
in  the  present  county  of  Polk,  south  of  the  territory  included  in 
Rowan.34 


29Col.  Rec,  VII,  203. 

30Haywood,  56-57. 

31Col.  Rec,  VII,  xiii,  991 ;   Haywood,  57. 

32Col.  Rec,  VII,  995. 

33Haywood,  58. 

34Haywood,  57-58. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  31 


CHAPTER  V 

The  Courts  and  Officials  of  Rowan  County  and 
Salisbury  District 

Before  the  Revolution  Salisbury  was  the  judicial  center  of 
Western  North  Carolina.  In  addition  to  the  county  court  of  pleas 
and  quarter  sessions,  the  superior  court  of  justice,  and  the  court 
of  oyer  and  terminer  and  general  jail  delivery  for  the  western 
counties  were  held  there. 

The  court  of  pleas  and  quarter  sessions  had  both  judicial  and 
administrative  functions.  It  had  jurisdiction  over  minor  cases, 
and  the  local  government  of  the  county  was  vested  in  it.  The 
court  was  composed  of  the  justices  of  the  county,  and  it  assembled 
at  the  county-seat  four  times  annually.  As  we  have  already  seen, 
the  court  of  pleas  and  quarter  sessions  met  for  the  first  time  some- 
where in  the  county  in  June,  1753.  The  justices  who  presided 
over  the  courts  during  the  first  year  were  Walter  Carruth,  Thomas 
Lovelatty,  James  Carter,  John  Brandon,  Alexander  Cathey, 
Thomas  Cook,  Thomas  Potts,  George  Smith,  Andrew  Allison, 
John  Hanby,  Alexander  Osborne,  James  Tate,  John  Brevard,  and 
Squire  Boone,  the  father  of  the  great  hunter  and  explorer  Daniel 
Boone,  who  was  reared  in  Rowan  County.1 

The  first  court  busied  itself  with  registering  the  brands  which 
the  settlers  employed  in  distinguishing  their  cattle  and  in  select- 
ing a  site  for  the  public  buildings.  Constables  were  appointed  to 
preserve  the  peace  in  the  different  sections  of  the  county. 

The  grand  and  petit  juries  for  the  first  court  were  composed  of 
Henry  Hughey,  John  McCulloch,  James  Hill,  John  Burnett, 
Samuel  Bryant,  John  McDowell,  James  Lambath,  Henry  Dow- 
land,  Morgan  Bryan,  William  Sherrill,  William  Morrison,  and 
William  Linvil.  The  county  officers  were  Richard  Hilliar,  deputy 
attorney-general;  John  Dunn,  clerk  of  court;  James  Carter,  regis- 
ter; John  Whitsett,  treasurer;  Francis  Corbin,  colonel  of  the 
Rowan  regiment  of  foot;  and  Scotton  Davis,  captain  in  Corbin's 
regiment.2 


aRumple,  38. 
aRumple,  39-41. 


32  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

In  1755  John  Dunn  and  William  Monat  presented  their  com- 
missions as  attorneys  to  the  court.  Of  Monat  nothing  can  be  dis- 
covered.3 John  Dunn  was  a  prominent  lawyer  and  held  many 
public  trusts.  He  was  at  one  time  attorney  for  the  Crown,  being 
succeeded  by  Waighstill  Avery  in  1775. 4 

Prior  to  1770  the  following  men  served  as  sheriff  of  Rowan,  in 
the  order  named:  David  Jones,  Edward  Hughes,  Benjamin  Miller, 
William  JSTassery,  Francis  Locke,  Griffith  Rutherford,  Andrew 
Allison,  and  William  Temple  Cole.5 

The  members  of  the  Assembly  and  Provincial  Congresses  from 
Rowan  were  as  follows : 

ASSEMBLY 

1746  (47)-1754.  James  Carter  and  John  Brandon,  who  took 
their  seats  at  the  thirteenth  session. 

1754-1760.  John  Bravard  and  James  Carter.  The  latter  was 
expelled  for  misapplication  of  public  funds  and  was  succeeded  by 
Hugh  Waddell,  who  took  his  seat  at  the  fifth  session. 

1760.  Hugh  Waddell  and  John  Frohock. 

1761.  John  Frohock  and  Alexander  Osborne. 

1762  (April  and  November).    John  Frohock  and  John  Kerr. 
1764-1765.   John  Frohock  and  William  Giles.     The  lower  house 
seated  John  Harrold. 

1766-1768.     John  Frohock  and  Griffith  Rutherford. 
1769.     Griffith  Rutherford  and  Christopher  Nation. 
1770-1771.     Griffith  Rutherford  and  Matthew  Locke. 
1773  (January).    Matthew  Locke  and  Griffith  Rutherford. 
1773-1774.     Griffith  Rutherford  and  Matthew  Locke. 
1775.     Griffith  Rutherford  and  Matthew  Locke. 

PROVINCIAL  CONGRESSES 

August,  1774.    Moses  Winslow  and  Samuel  Young. 
April,  1775.    Griffith  Rutherford,  William  Sharpe,  and  William 
Kennon. 

August,  1775.     Matthew  Locke,  James  Smith,  Moses  Winslow, 


3Rumple,  43. 

4Col.  Rec,  X,  139. 

ESee  Col.  Rec,  VIII,  280-281;  Col.  Rec,  IX,  575. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  33 

Samuel  Young,  William  Kennon,  William  Sharpe,  and  Robert 
Lanier. 

April,  1776.    Griffith  Rutherford  and  Matthew  Locke.6 

In  1754  the  governor  chose  Salisbury  as  the  proper  place  for 
holding  the  courts  for  the  counties  of  Rowan,  Anson,  and  Orange.7 
At  the  same  time  an  act  was  passed  establishing  a  superior  court 
of  justice  and  a  court  of  oyer  and  terminer  and  general  jail  deliv- 
ery for  these  counties  to  be  held  at  Salisbury.8  Orange  was  soon 
taken  away  and  put  into  a  different  district,  and  in  1760  and  1762 
Salisbury  District  was  composed  of  Rowan  and  Anson.9  Other 
frontier  counties  were  added  to  the  district  from  time  to  time. 

The  superior  court  of  justice  had  jurisdiction  over  "all  pleas  of 
the  crown  (treason,  felony,  and  other  crimes  committed  in  breach 
of  the  peace),  suits  at  common  pleas,  legacies  and  estates  of  intes- 
tates, whether  original  or  on  appeal  from  the  inferior  courts.10 

Robert  Jones,  the  attorney-general  of  the  province,  prosecuted 
suits  in  the  superior  court  of  justice  of  Salisbury  District  against 
the  commissioners  of  Rowan  and  Anson  who  had  misapplied  the 
public  funds  entrusted  to  them  for  the  defense  of  the  frontier.11 

At  March  Term,  1766,  James  Hasell,  who  had  been  appointed 
Chief  Justice  of  the  province  by  Governor  Tryon,  qualified  by 
taking  the  oaths  prescribed  by  law.  Edmund  Tanning  qualified 
as  Associate  Justice  for  the  District  of  Salisbury.  He  resigned 
the  office  of  attorney-general  of  the  court,  which  he  had  thereto- 
fore occupied,  and  was  succeeded  by  William  Hooper.12  The  fact 
that  Edmund  Fanning  was  a  judge  at  this  time  seems  to  have  been 
overlooked  by  historians. 

At  September  term  Chief  Justice  Hasell  and  Judge  Fanning 
presided.  Isaac  Edwards  took  the  oaths  of  an  attorney  and  was 
appointed  by  the  court  as  attorney  for  the  Crown  in  the  absence 
of  Mr.  Hooper,  who  arrived  several  days  late.  Frederick  Fraley, 
George  Logall,  George  Adwicke,  and  Christopher  Blake  were 
naturalized.13 


6N.  C.  Manual  (1913),  381-382,  408. 

7Col.  Rec,  V,  260. 

8State  Rec,  XXV,  274-287. 

9State  Rec,  XXIII,  874,  946. 

10Raper,  156. 

"Col.  Rec,  V,  1082-1084. 

^Col.  Rec,  VII,  191-192. 

"Col.  Rec,  VII,  255-256. 

3 


34  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Salisbury  District  was  now  composed  of  Mecklenburg,  Anson, 
and  Rowan  counties.14 

September  term  of  1767  was  held  by  Associate  Justice  Fanning. 
Richard  Henderson,  of  Granville  County,  was  appointed  attorney 
for  the  Crown  during  the  absence  of  the  attorney-general.  Chief 
Justice  Hasell  and  William  Hooper  appeared  later.15  Richard 
Henderson  afterwards  purchased  a  large  tract  of  land  lying  in 
Tennessee  and  Kentucky  and  employed  Daniel  Boone  to  blaze  the 
way  for  a  colony,  which  was  established  at  Boonesborough,  Ken- 
tucky, just  before  the  Revolution.  This  tract  of  land  was  pur- 
chased from  the  Cherokees.16 

The  superior  court  of  justice  in  March,  1768,  was  held  by  Maur- 
ice Moore  and  Richard  Henderson,  who  took  the  oaths  of  Asso- 
ciate Justices  of  the  colony.  William  Hooper  was  appointed  attor- 
ney for  the  Crown,  and  James  Forsyth  qualified  as  a  lawyer.17 

In  September,  Chief  Justice  Martin  Howard  and  Judges  Hen- 
derson and  Moore  presided.  William  Hooper  produced  a  commis- 
sion constituting  him  Crown  attorney.18 

At  the  session  in  March  of  the  following  year,  held  by  Judge 
Henderson,  Thomas  Frohock  gave  bond  and  qualified  as  clerk  of 
the  court  for  Salisbury  District.19  In  1772  Adlai  Osborne,  of 
Mecklenburg,  was  appointed  to  this  position.20 

The  third  colonial  court  which  assembled  at  Salisbury  was  the 
court  of  oyer,  terminer  and  general  jail  delivery.  This  court  had 
jurisdiction  of  criminal  cases.21  The  court  met  in  June  and  De- 
cember of  each  year.22 

A  typical  term  was  that  held  in  June,,  1775,  for  Rowan,  Anson, 
Mecklenburg,  Tryon,  Surry,  and  Guilford,  the  counties  which  then 
made  up  Salisbury  District.  Judge  Alexander  Martin,  of  Rowan, 
presided.  Adlai  Osborne  was  appointed  clerk,  and  Benjamin  B. 
Boote  took  the  oath  as  deputy  attorney-general  for  the  district. 
William  Kennon's  name  appears  in  the  records  as  a  practicing 


14Col.  Rec,  VII,  477. 

a5Col.  Rec,  VII,  521-522. 

16Ashe,  429. 

"Col.  Rec,  VII,  690-691. 

lsCol.  Rec,  VII,  838. 

19Col.  Rec,  VIII,  19. 

20Col.  Rec,  IX,  318-319. 

21Raper,  159. 

22State  Rec,   XXIII,   946. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  35 

lawyer.  Many  criminal  cases  were  disposed  of  at  this  term. 
Thomas  "Ward  was  convicted  of  stealing  11  shillings  and  sentenced 
to  receive  "thirty-nine  lashes  on  his  bare  back,  well  laid  on,  at  the 
public  whipping-post."  James  Patterson  was  acquitted  of  the 
charge  of  counterfeiting  and  David  Jones  of  murder.  William 
"Woodliff  was  found  not  guilty  of  horse-stealing.  Stephen  Herring 
and  Joseph  Pettoway,  being  convicted  of  robbery,  and  Oliver 
"Wallace  of  murder,  the  court  sentenced  them  to  be  hanged  "by  the 
neck"  until  they  were  "dead,  dead,  dead,"  and  the  sheriff  of  Rowan 
was  directed  to  put  the  sentence  into  execution  on  the  conventional 
day — Friday.23 

The  execution  of  a  criminal  was  not  a  rare  occasion  in  those 
days.  There  were  a  score  of  crimes  which  bore  the  death  penalty, 
and,  as  appears  from  the  records  of  Rowan,  the  judges  did  not 
scruple  to  put  these  laws  into  effect.  The  blow  of  the  law  fell 
swiftly  upon  the  guilty. 


CHAPTER  VI 

The  Regulators 

The  question  as  to  the  character  of  the  Regulation  has  been  often 
and  fully  discussed  by  the  historians  of  JSTorth  Carolina.  Some 
think  that  the  Regulators  were  an  oppressed  people  contending  for 
justice;  others  that  they  were  a  misguided  mob  seeking  to  prevent 
the  enforcement  of  the  law.  It  is  not  the  purpose  in  this  sketch  to 
side  with  either  group,  but  merely  to  state  the  occurrences  of  the 
trouble  in  Rowan  County. 

The  Regulators  complained  of  the  injustice  of  the  officials,  of 
extortion,  of  corrupt  courts,  and  of  being  compelled  to  pay  taxes 
in  money,  of  which  there  was  a  scarcity  in  circulation.  The  move- 
ment was  most  prevalent  in  Orange,  Anson,  and  Rowan,  though  it 
existed  to  a  less  degree  in  many  other  counties.  The  discontented 
men  formed  a  systematic  organization.  Meetings  were  held  and 
petitions  were  sent  to  Governor  Tryon,  but  they  were  either  refused 
or  ignored.1  One  of  the  chief  policies  of  the  Regulators  was  the 
refusal  to  pay  taxes.2 


23Col.  Rec,  X,  1-9. 
Tompkins,  37-38. 
2Col.  Rec,  VIII,  637. 


36  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

The  people  were  especially  bitter  towards  Edmund  Fanning,  of 
Hillsboro,  and  John  Frohock,  of  Salisbury.  Rednap  Howell,  "the 
Poet  Laureate  of  the  Regulators,"  lampooned  them  in  this  wise : 

Says  Frohock  to  Fanning  :  "To  tell  the  plain  truth, 
When  I  came  to  this  country  I  was  but  a  youth; 
My  father  sent  for  me;  I  warn't  worth  a  cross; 
And  then  my  first  study  was  to  steal  for  a  horse; 
I  quickly  got  credit,  and  then  ran  away, 
And  haven't  paid  for  him  to  this  very  day." 
Says  Fanning  to  Frohock:     " 'Tis  folly  to  lie, 
I  rode  an  old  mare  that  was  blind  of  an  eye; 
Five  shillings  in  money  I  had  in  my  purse, 
My  coat  it  was  patched,  but  not  much  the  worse; 
But  now  we've  got  rich,  and  it's  very  well  known 
That  we'll  do  very  well  if  they'll  let  us  alone.3 

The  Regulators  resisted  all  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  sheriffs  of 
Rowan  to  collect  taxes.  In  October,  1763,  Francis  Locke  informed 
the  inferior  court  that  two  thousand  taxes  for  the  year  1766  were 
unpaid,  and  that  the  collection  of  them  was  violently  opposed  by 
the  Regulators.  He  attempted  to  "take,  seize,  and  destrain  a  sorrel 
gelding"  belonging  to  James  Dunlap  for  his  taxes  for  1764,  1765, 
and  1766,  but  Dunlap  and  fifteen  others  unlawfully  rescued  the 
horse  from  Locke.4 

Andrew  Allison,  who  was  sheriff  in  1765,  was  able  to  collect  only 
two  hundred  and  five  taxes.5  The  situation  became  so  perplexing 
that  in  1770  there  was  no  sheriff  in  Rowan,  Adam  Allison  who 
had  been  appointed  by  Tryon  being  unable  to  give  security  for 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  office.  His  friends  did  not  doubt 
his  integrity  or  honesty,  but  feared  that  the  confused  state  of  the 
county  would  involve  them  in  many  suits.6 

In  April,  1768,  Edmund  Fanning,  of  Hillsboro,  wrote  Tryon 
that  the  Regulators  claimed  that  they  could  command  a  powerful 
force  from  Anson,  Rowan,  and  Orange.  He  asked  Tryon  for  or- 
ders to  raise  the  militia  and  advised  immediate  war  upon  the  in- 


3Col.  Rec,  VIII,  xli. 
4Col.  Rec,  VII.  856,  857. 
5Col.  Rec,  VIII,  227. 
8Col.  Rec,  VIII,  64. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  37 

surgents.  Tryon  gave  him  permission  to  call  out  the  militia  of 
Bertie,  Halifax,  Granville,  Rowan,  Mecklenburg,  Anson,  Cumber- 
land, and  Johnston.7 

About  the  1st  of  July  Tryon  went  to  Hillsboro,  where  Hus- 
bands and  Butler,  who  had  been  arrested  several  months  before, 
were  to  be  tried.  Husbands  was  a  Quaker  preacher  and  the  prime 
mover  in  the  Regulation.  Tryon  visited  Rowan  and  enlisted 
troops  for  the  protection  of  the  court.8  Nearly  two  hundred  of 
the  Rowan  militia  and  three  hundred  of  the  Mecklenburg  attended 
the  court  at  Hillsboro.9  At  this  time  matters  quieted  a  little,  but 
soon  the  situation  became  critical. 

An  excellent  opportunity  for  a  peaceable  solution  of  the  problem 
in  Rowan  occurred  in  March,  1771.  The  Regulators  of  the  county 
decided  to  visit  Salisbury  superior  court.  On  March  6  four  or 
five  hundred  assembled  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Yadkin.  Hearing 
of  their  plans,  Alexander  Martin  and  John  Frohock  went  to  them 
and  found  some  armed  and  some  unarmed.  The  Regulators  said 
that  their  intention  was  not  to  disturb  the  court  or  to  injure  the 
person  or  property  of  any  one,  but  to  petition  for  a  redress  of 
grievances  against  the  officers  taking  exorbitant  fees,  and  that 
their  arms  were  for  defense.  Good  order  prevailed,  threats  being 
made  by  only  a  few  of  the  lower  characters. 

They  were  informed  that  the  judges  did  not  deem  it  prudent  to 
hold  court  in  Salisbury.  The  Regulators  replied  that  there  would 
have  been  no  danger  for  the  Chief  Justice,  but  as  to  the  other 
judges  they  were  silent.  In  behalf  of  the  officers  of  Rowan,  Mar- 
tin and  Frohock  offered  to  give  the  Regulators  satisfaction  for 
their  complaints,  and  the  Regulators  selected  a  committee  to  confer 
with  the  officers. 

The  Regulator  committee  proposed  to  leave  every  complaint  to 
the  decision  of  men  chosen  by  the  two  parties.  They  selected  Her- 
man Husbands,  James  Graham,  James  Hunter,  and  Thomas 
Person,  and  the  officers  chose  Matthew  Locke,  John  Kerr,  Samuel 
Young,  and  James  Smith.  This  committee  was  to  meet  in  May 
and  arbitrate  and  settle  every  difference.     Only  the  officials  of 


TCol.  Rec,  VII,   115.   748. 

8Col.  Rec,  VII,  xxii. 

9Col.  Rec,  VII,  886;  Tompkins,  38. 


38  James  Sprfnt  Historical  Publications 

Rowan  County,  and  those  voluntarily,  were  included  in  the  com- 
pact.10 

On  the  7th  the  officers  agreed  "to  settle  and  pay  unto  any  and 
every  person  within  the  county  any  and  all  such  sum  or  sums  of 
money  as  we  or  our  deputies  have  taken  through  inadvertency  or 
otherwise  over  and  above  what  we  severally  ought  to  have  taken 
for  fees  more  than  the  law  allowed  or  entitled  us  so  to  receive, 
without  any  trouble  or  law  for  the  recovery  of  the  same."  John 
Frohock,  William  Frohock,  Griffith  Rutherford,  Thomas  Frohock, 
Benjamin  Miller,  John  Brawley,  Andrew  Allison,  Francis  Locke, 
John  Dunn,  Alexander  Martin,  William  Nazary  (ISTassery),  and 
William  Temple  Cole  signed  the  agreement,  they  being  or  having 
been  officers  of  the  County.11 

Thereupon  the  Regulators  returned  quietly  to  their  homes. 
Three  companies  of  Rowan  militia  and  seventy  or  eighty  men 
from  Mecklenburg  were  in  Salisbury  ready  to  oppose  them  had 
any  violence  been  offered.12 

When  Governor  Tryon  received  intelligence  of  the  proposed  set- 
tlement with  the  Regulators  he  immediately  wrote  Alexander 
Martin  a  letter  which  included  the  following  quotation: 

This  mode  ...  of  your  agreement  with  the  insurgents,  by  in- 
cluding officers  who  are  amenable  only  for  their  public  conduct  to  the 
tribunal  of  their  country,  is  unconstitutional,  dishonorable  of  govern- 
ment and  introductive  of  a  practice  the  most  dangerous  to  the  peace 
and  happiness  of  society.  On  the  18th  of  last  month  it  was  determined 
by  consent  of  his  Majesty's  Council  to  raise  forces  to  march  into  the 
settlements  of  the  insurgents  in  order  to  restore  peace  to  the  country 
upon  honorable  terms  and  constitutional  principles.  This  measure  is 
not  intended  to  impede,  nor  has  it  the  least  reference  to,  the  agreement 
between  you  gentlemen  and  the  Regulators,  though  it  is  expected  in  the 
execution  of  it  more  stability  will  be  added  to  our  government  than  by 
the  issue  of  Convention  ratified  at  Salisbury.is 

Tryon's  rebuke  and  disapproval  of  the  plan  caused  its  failure. 
If  Tryon  had  been  farsighted  probably  the  difficulties  could  have 
been  settled  without  a  struggle.  As  it  was,  however,  both  factions 
prepared  for  the  final  test  of  strength.    Governor  Tryon  sent  Gen- 


10Col.  Rec,  VIII,  533  et  seq. 
"Col.  Rec,  VIII,  521-522. 
"Col.  Rec,  VIII,  535-536. 
lsCol.  Rec,  VIII,  545. 


A  Coloxial  History  of  Eowan  Couxty  39 

eral  Hugh  Waddell  through.  Rowan  and  Mecklenburg  to  raise 
troops.  "Waddell  enlisted  one  hundred  in  Mecklenburg  and  almost 
twice  that  number  in  Rowan.  "When  marching  to  join  Tryon, 
"Waddell  was  intercepted  at  the  Yadkin  by  a  larger  force  of  Regu- 
lators and  turned  back,  so  that  he  did  not  join  the  governor  until 
after  the  battle.14 

Meanwhile  Tryon  proceeded  westward  with  ten  or  twelve  hun- 
dred men.15  He  met  the  forces  of  the  insurgents  at  Alamance 
Creek  and  defeated  them,  thereby  bringing  open  opposition  to  an 
end.16 

From  May  30th  to  June  20th,  the  supreme  court  of  oyer  and 
terminer  was  held  at  Hillsboro  for  the  trial  of  captured  Regula- 
tors. Twelve  were  convicted  of  high  treason  and  six  of  them  were 
executed.  The  most  distinguished  victim  was  Benjamin  Merrill, 
who  had  formerly  been  a  captain  of  the  militia  in  Rowan.  In 
concluding  his  sentence,  the  Chief  Justice  said : 

I  must  now  close  my  afflicting  duty  by  pronouncing  upon  you  the  aw- 
ful sentence  of  the  law;  which  is  that  you,  Benjamin  Merrill,  be  carried 
to  the  place  whence  you  came,  that  you  be  drawn  from  thence  to  the 
place  of  execution,  where  you  are  to  be  hanged  by  the  neck;  that  you  be 
cut  down  while  yet  alive,  that  your  bowels  be  taken  out  and  burnt  be- 
fore your  face,  that  your  head  be  cut  off,  your  body  divided  into  four 
quarters,  and  this  to  be  at  his  Majesty's  disposal;  and  the  Lord  have 
mercy  on  your  soul.17 

It  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  a  more  brutal,  barbarous  sentence 
being  pronounced. 

Soon  afterwards  the  Assembly  passed  an  act  allowing  the  sher- 
iffs an  additional  year  in  which  to  collect  the  taxes  which  had  not 
been  paid.18  James  McCoy  was  appointed  to  collect  those  for 
1770,  the  year  when  no  sheriff  served  Rowan.19 


14Tompldns,  38-39. 

"Tompkins,  39. 

16Col.  Rec,  Till,  609;  Haywood,  125-126. 

17Col.  Rec,  Till,  643. 

"State  Rec,  XXT,  520-521. 

^State  Rec,  XXT,  521-522. 


40  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

CHAPTER  VII 

The  Churches  of  Early  Rowan 

The  early  inhabitants  of  the  county  were  a  distinctly  religious 
people.  Many  of  them  had  come  to  the  new  world  that  they 
might  worship  God  in  their  own  way.  Consequently,  as  soon  as 
they  were  settled  in  their  new  surroundings  they  proceeded  to 
found  places  of  worship. 

THE   PRESBYTERIANS 

The  destruction  by  fire  of  the  early  records  of  Orange  Presby- 
tery has  rendered  it  difficult  to  give  an  account  of  the  different 
Presbyterian  churches  with  the  dates  of  their  establishment.  The 
Presbyterians  formed  a  considerable  part  of  the  population  of 
Rowan,  most  of  the  Scotch-Irish  being  of  this  faith.  In  the  list 
of  taxables  for  1767  it  is  remarked  that  the  population  was  "mostly 
Presbyterians."1 

A  congregation  was  organized  before  Rowan  was  taken  from 
Anson  County.  On  January  17,  1753,  John  and  Naomi  Lynn  con- 
veyed twelve  acres  of  land,  more  or  less,  "to  a  congregation  belong- 
ing to  ye  Lower  meeting  house,  between  the  Atking  River  and  ye 
Catabo."  It  is  stated  that  this  congregation  adhered  to  a  minister 
belonging  to  the  Synod  of  Philadelphia.  On  the  following  day 
another  deed  was  made  conveying  an  additional  tract  of  twelve 
acres  to  the  same  congregation.  This  church  was  first  called  the 
Lower  Meeting  House.  Being  in  the  vicinity  of  James  Cathey's 
home,  it  was  later  called  Cathey's  Meeting  House,  and  finally  Thy- 
atira.    ISTo  record  of  its  first  elders  and  members  is  extant. 

Eurther  west,  near  the  present  town  of  Statesville  in  Iredell 
County,  was  the  Fourth  Creek  congregation,  which  was  later 
divided  among  the  churches  of  Fourth  Creek,  Concord,  and  Beth- 
any. Fourth  Creek  congregation  was  organized  and  its  boundaries 
were  defined  by  the  two  missionaries,  the  Rev.  Messrs.  Spencer  and 
McWhorter,  who  visited  it  in  1764.  Fourth  Creek  church,  how- 
ever, was  in  existence  long  before  that  time.  It  is  said  that  Fourth 
Creek  church  was  collected  into  a  congregation  as  early  as  1751 


*Ool.  Rec,  VII,  541. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  41 

and  its  place  of  worship  selected  by  1756.  The  Rev.  John  Thomp- 
son appeared  in  this  locality  as  early  as  1751.  He  resided  near 
the  historic  Centre  Church.  Mr.  Thompson  preached  at  Fourth 
Creek  and  other  stations  in  Rowan  for  about  two  years.  He  was  a 
very  influential  pastor.  People  came  twenty  and  twenty-fire  miles 
to  hear  his  sermons  and  "sometimes  he  baptized  a  score  of  infants 
at  once."  In  1773,  the  people  who  made  up  the  congregation  of 
Fourth  Creek  were  divided  among  196  families  of  111  different 
names.  All  of  these  communicants  lived  within  ten  miles  of  the 
church.2 

In  1753  the  Synod  of  Philadelphia  sent  two  missionaries,  Mr. 
McMordie  and  Mr.  Donaldson,  to  visit  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 
lina. They  were  directed  by  the  Synod  "to  show  special  regard  to 
the  vacancies  of  North  Carolina,  especially  betwixt  Atkin  and 
Catawba  rivers."3 

In  1755  the  Rev.  Hugh  McAden  made  a  missionary  tour  through 
North  Carolina.4  Early  in  September  he  arrived  in  eastern 
Rowan,  and  thence  continued  his  course  westward,  preaching  at 
several  meeting  houses  and  in  private  homes.  Sometimes  he 
preached  to  congregations  "pretty  regular  and  discreet,"  but  some- 
times he  found  them  "solemn  and  attentive,  but  (with)  no  appear- 
ance of  the  life  of  religion."  He  delivered  a  sermon  at  the  meet- 
ing house  which  had  been  erected  in  the  Jersey  Settlement,  and  to 
the  congregation  at  Cathey's,  and  at  several  other  houses  of  wor- 
ship west  of  the  Yadkin.  In  the  latter  part  of  October  he  passed 
on  into  Mecklenburg  County.5 

In  the  same  year  the  Synod  of  New  York  directed  the  Rev.  John 
Brainard  and  the  Rev.  Elihu  Spencer  to  supply  vacancies  in  North 
Carolina.  They  do  not  seem  to  have  done  so,  for  there  is  no  record 
of  their  visit. 

For  ten  years  the  congregations  of  the  Presbyterians  held  to- 
gether, though  no  regular  minister  appeared.6  No  doubt,  from 
time  to  time,  itinerant  preachers  passed  through  Rowan  and 
preached  at  the  meeting  houses  and  in  private  homes.     In  1764 


2Rumple,  333-335. 
3Poote,  159. 
"Caruthers,  94. 
5Foote,  167-169. 
6Rumple,   336. 


42  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

and  1765  the  Rev.  Messrs.  Spencer  and  McWhorter  visited  the 
county  and  fixed  the  limits  of  the  different  congregations.  A  new 
congregation  called  Centre  was  established,  its  name  being  derived 
from  the  fact  that  it  was  composed  of  territory  between  Fourth 
Creek  and  Thyatira.  The  Centre  congregation  lived  in  Mecklen- 
burg and  in  that  part  of  Rowan  which  now  lies  in  Iredell  County. 
It  appears  that  this  region  was  filled  with  various  preaching  places 
before  Spencer  and  McWhorter  persuaded  the  inhabitants  to  com- 
bine into  one  church.7 

In  1765  Fourth  Creek  and  Thyatira  united  in  a  call  to  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Spencer,  who  had  returned  to  New  Jersey.  They  sent  wagons 
all  the  way  to  that  province  to  bring  his  family  to  Rowan,  but  he 
declined  to  accept  the  call.  Thyatira  was  without  a  regular  pastor 
until  1772.  Then  Rev.  Mr.  Harris  became  its  minister  and  re- 
mained about  two  years.8  The  Rev.  Samuel  E.  McCorkle  became 
the  pastor  of  Thyatira  in  1777,  and  James  Hall,  the  soldier- 
preacher,  became  the  minister  of  Fourth  Creek  Church  one  year 
later.9 

The  Presbyterians  did  not  found  a  church  in  Salisbury  until 
about  the  year  1821. 10 

There  was  a  Presbyterian  meeting  house  in  eastern  Rowan  (now 
Guilford)  before  1768.  In  that  year  Adam  Mitchel  conveyed  an 
acre  of  land  to  John  McKnight  and  William  Anderson,  "trustees 
for  the  Presbyterian  congregation  on  the  waters  of  North  Buffalo." 
This  congregation  belonged  to  the  Synod  of  New  York  and  Phila- 
delphia. The  deed  shows  that  a  "meeting  house  and  a  study 
house"  had  already  been  erected.11  The  building  designated  as  a 
"study  house"  was  probably  a  school.  The  inferior  court  of 
Rowan  licensed  the  North  Buffalo  meeting  house  soon  after- 
wards.12 The  church  was  situated  near  the  present  site  of  Greens- 
boro.13 

In  1764  the  Rev.  Henry  Pattillo,  a  Presbyterian  divine,  who 
labored  in  Orange,  established  a  church  called  Alamance  about 


7Foote,  36,  433-434. 
SRumple,  336-337. 
9Foote,  324,  354. 
"Rumple,  342-343. 
"Col.  Rec,  VII,  857-859. 
12Col.  Rec,  VIII,  507. 
"Foote,  233. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  43 

seven  miles  from  Greensboro.14  These  two  churches  secured  as 
their  pastor  Dr.  David  Caldwell,  a  Pennsylvanian  by  birth  and  a 
graduate  of  Princeton.  In  1766  he  married  Rachel,  the  daughter 
of  the  Rev.  Alexander  Craighead,  of  Sugar  Creek  Church,  in  Meck- 
lenburg, and  settled  with  his  congregations  of  Buffalo  and  Ala- 
mance.15 Caldwell  established  a  school  in  the  neighborhood  about 
1767.  This  school  obtained  the  name  of  the  "Log  College,"  and 
was  the  means  of  training  a  number  of  the  foremost  men  of  North 
Carolina.16 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Presbytery  at  Buffalo  in  March,  1770, 
David  Caldwell,  Hugh  McAden,  Joseph  Alexander,  Henry  Pat- 
tillo,  Hezekiah  Balch,  and  James  Criswell  petitioned  the  Synod  of 
Philadelphia  and  New  York  for  the  organization  of  a  new  presby- 
tery, to  be  called  Orange.     Their  petition  was  granted.17 

THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    AND    LUTHERAN    CHURCHES    IN    ROWAN 

The  German  Reformed  Church  originated  in  Switzerland,  its 
doctrines  being  derived  from  the  Swiss  reformer,  Ulric  Zwingli, 
who  was  a  contemporary  of  Martin  Luther.  This  Church  differed 
from  the  Lutheran  upon  the  question  of  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  and  other  theological  doctrines.  It  is  a  Calvinistic 
church.18  Denying  Luther's  theory  of  consubstantiation,  Zwingli 
regarded  the  sacrament  as  efficacious  merely  for  its  commemora- 
tive and  social  aspects.19 

The  Germans  who  came  to  Rowan  from  Pennsylvania  and  set- 
tled along  Second  Creek  were  members  of  the  Reformed  and 
Lutheran  churches.  Being  too  few  in  numbers  to  erect  houses  of 
worship  for  each  of  the  two  denominations,  they  united  in  build- 
ing a  temporary  structure  on  the  lands  of  a  Mr.  Fullenwider.  This 
church  was  called  the  Hickory  Church  and  stood  on  the  site  now 
occupied  by  St.  Peter's  Lutheran  Church.  The  date  of  its  erection 
is  not  given,  but  no  doubt  it  was  built  quite  early,  for  the  section 
was  settled  by  German  immigrants  about  1750.    Por  a  number  of 


"Foote,  233. 

15Col.  Rec,  V,  1219;  Caruthers,  26. 

16Caruthers,  30-31. 

"Col.  Rec,  V,  1213  ;  Caruthers,  96-97. 

"Rumple,  435-436. 

19Hulme,  281. 


44  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

years  there  was  no  pastor  to  minister  to  the  needs  of  those  who 
worshiped  at  the  Hickory  Church.20 

Before  Hickory  Church  obtained  a  minister  the  Lutherans  in 
and  around  Salisbury  formed  a  congregation.  This  church  was 
the  first  Lutheran  church  organized  in  North  Carolina  and  was 
named  St.  John's.  John  Lewis  Beard,  a  prominent  and  wealthy 
resident  of  Salisbury  and  a  Lutheran  by  profession,  was  bereaved 
by  the  death  of  a  daughter.  Her  remains  were  buried  in  a  lot  con- 
taining nearly  an  acre  of  ground  belonging  to  her  father.  Desirous 
that  the  grave  of  his  daughter  should  never  be  disturbed,  Mr. 
Beard  donated  the  lot  to  the  German  Lutheran  Church.  On  Sep- 
tember 9,  1768,  he  conveyed  the  land  to  the  trusees  of  the  church. 
It  was  stipulated  that  ministers  of  the  Church  of  England  and 
the  Reformed  Church  might  utilize  the  church  when  not  used  by 
the  Lutherans.  Soon  after  the  lot  was  granted  to  them  the 
Lutherans  erected  a  log  church  upon  it.  This  structure  was  the 
first  house  of  worship  built  in  Salisbury.  The  lot  is  now  known 
as  the  Lutheran  graveyard,  or  the  Salisbury  Cemetery.21 

Where  the  Germans  were  to  obtain  a  pastor  was  a  difficult  prob- 
lem to  solve.  As  there  was  a  scarcity  of  ministers  in  Pennsylvania, 
it  was  futile  to  consider  the  possibility  of  securing  one  there.22  As 
some  three  thousand  German  Protestants  were  located  in  Rowan, 
Orange,  Mecklenburg,  and  Tryon  counties  and  their  numbers  were 
rapidly  increasing  by  birth  and  immigration,  sixty  Lutheran 
families  residing  on  Second  Creek  in  Rowan  decided  to  seek  help 
from  the  Protestants  of  Europe.  They  declared  that  the  want  of 
a  minister  of  their  denomination  had  produced  "a  great  ignorance 
of  the  word  of  God  and  a  melancholy  dissoluteness  of  living,"  and 
feared  that  such  evil  "must  provoke  the  Almighty  God  to  anger 
and  vengeance."  They  appointed  two  of  their  number,  Christo- 
pher Layrle,  of  Mecklenburg  County,  and  Christopher  Rintelman, 
of  Rowan,  to  seek  aid  among  the  Protestants  of  England,  Holland, 
and  Germany  for  securing  and  supporting  a  minister  and  school- 
master who  spoke  the  German  tongue.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Drage,  the 
Episcopal  minister  of  St.  Luke's  Parish,  pronounced  their  purpose 


20Col.  Rec,  VIII,  744,  759  ;  Bernheim,  244-245  ;  Rumple,  437. 
21Col.  Rec,  VIII,  758-759. 
22Bernheim,  254. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Eowan  County  45 

laudable,  and  Governor  Tryon  countenanced  their  plans  and  re- 
ferred their  requests  to  the  Bishop  of  London  and  the  Society  for 
the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts.  The  undertaking 
met  with  the  approval  of  the  Society  at  its  meeting  in  London, 
July  19,  1771.  The  Society  promised  that  if  Layrle  and  Bintel- 
man  raised  such  a  sum  as  would  afford  a  reasonable  prospect  of 
establishing  a  fund  adequate  for  the  permanent  support  of  a  min- 
ister and  schoolmaster,  it  would  contribute  to  the  subscription  and 
give  other  encouragement  to  their  efforts.23 

Rintelman  and  Layrle  went  to  Europe  in  1772.  They  first  went 
to  London  and  then  to  Hanover,  and  through  the  kind  efforts  of 
"the  late  Consistory  Counselor,  Gotten,"  obtained  the  Eev.  Adolph 
jSTussman  as  their  pastor  and  Mr.  Gottfried  Ardnt  as  schoolmas- 
ter. Nussman  and  Ardnt  arrived  in  North  Carolina  in  1773. 24 
Among  those  who  contributed  to  the  fund  which  enabled  the  Ger- 
mans to  secure  their  minister  and  schoolmaster  were  the  Bishop 
of  London,  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  the  Earl  of  Granville,  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  Governor  Tryon.25 

The  Eev.  Adolph  jSTussman  was  a  man  of  scholarly  attainments 
and  a  devout,  self-sacrificing  and  pious  Christian.26  He  preached 
for  a  year  to  the  combined  congregation  of  Eeformed  and  Lutheran 
members  at  the  Hickory  Church.  Dissensions  arising  between  the 
two  denominations,  they  separated.  The  Lutherans  built  what  is 
still  known  as  the  Organ  Church,  but  what  was  formerly  called 
Zion's.  The  adherents  of  the  Eeformed  Church  erected  a  structure 
four  miles  west  of  Gold  Hill,  in  south  Eowan.  This  church  was 
named  Grace  Church,  though  it  is  frequently  called  Lower  Stone 
Church.  The  site  of  the  building  was  purchased  from  Lorentz 
Lingle.27  At  the  same  time  the  Eev.  Adolph  jSTussman  was  minis- 
tering to  the  people  of  the  Second  Creek  settlement,  he  preached 
at  St.  John's  in  Salisbury.  Before  Organ  Church  was  finished  he 
left  Eowan  and  went  to  St.  John's  Church  in  Mecklenburg.  In 
1775  Gottfried  Arndt,  who  had  been  instructing  the  German  youth, 


23Col.  Rec,  VIII,  630-631. 

24Col.  Rec,  VIII,  762-763  ;   Bernheim,  256-257. 

25Col.  Rec,  VIII,  632. 

26Col.  Rec,  VIII,  759. 

27Col.  Rec,  VIII,  744,  760. 


46  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

was  ordained  a  minister  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  and  he  served 
Organ  and  St.  John's  churches  until  the  close  of  the  Revolution.28 

THE   BAPTISTS   IN   ROWAN 

Information  as  to  the  Baptists  in  early  Rowan  is  very  meagre. 
When  the  Rev.  Hugh  McAden  passed  through  this  section  in  1755 
he  found  a  meeting  house  in  the  Jersey  Settlement.  There  was 
much  confusion  in  the  congregation,  many  of  whom  were  Baptists 
and  several  professing  to  be  Presbyterians.  One  cause  of  the 
trouble  arose  from  the  labors  of  a  Mr.  Miller,  a  Baptist  minister.29 
With  the  aid  of  a  Rev.  Mr.  Gano,  Miller  established  a  Baptist 
Church  in  the  Jersey  Settlement.30 

About  the  year  1755  Shubal  Stearns  came  to  eastern  Rowan, 
now  Randolph,  and  in  a  few  years  had  a  church  on  Sandy  Creek 
with  a  membership  of  606  persons.  At  the  same  time  Daniel  Mar- 
shall had  charge  of  a  Baptist  Church  on  the  TJwharrie,  and  Joseph 
Murphey  was  minister  to  a  congregation  on  Deep  Creek  in  the 
present  county  of  Surry.  Dr.  Caruthers  says  that  other  Baptist 
ministers  went  about  preaching  from  place  to  place,  and  that  there 
was  a  church  on  Abbott's  Creek,  and  others  elsewhere.31 

Dr.  Rumple  says  that  there  was  no  organization  of  Methodism 
in  the  county  before  the  Revolution.32 

THE  CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND  IN   ROWAN 

The  royal  government  of  the  province  attempted  to  make  the 
Church  of  England  the  established  church  of  North  Carolina. 
Many  acts  were  passed  with  this  end  in  view.  We  have  already 
seen  that  St.  Luke's  Parish  was  established  simultaneously  with 
Rowan  County  and  included  the  same  territory  until  Wachovia 
was  set  off  under  the  name  of  Dobbs  Parish.  The  freeholders, 
that  is,  men  owning  fifty  acres  of  land  or  a  lot  in  some  town,  were 
required,  under  penalty  of  twenty  shillings,  to  elect  twelve  vestry- 
men to  serve  three  years.  The  vestrymen  so  elected  had  to  sub- 
scribe an  oath  that  they  would  "not  oppose  the  doctrine,  discipline, 


2SCol.  Rec,  VIII,  759,  760,  763  ;   Bernheim,  260-261. 
29Foote,  167. 
30Rumple,  445. 
"Caruthers,  91. 
32Rumple,  367. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  47 

and  liturgy  of  the  Church,  of  England  as  by  law  established."  If 
a  dissenter  was  elected  and  failed  to  qualify,  he  was  liable  to  a 
fine.  The  vestry  was  authorized  to  levy  a  tax  of  ten  shillings  on 
each  taxable  in  the  parish  for  the  erection  of  churches  or  chapels, 
the  payment  of  the  salaries  of  ministers,  the  purchasing  a  glebe 
for  the  building  of  a  parsonage. 

According  to  an  act  of  1765,  the  minister  of  a  parish  was  to 
receive  an  annual  salary  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  pounds, 
six  shillings  and  eight  pence  and  a  fee  of  twenty  shillings  for 
every  marriage  solemnized  in  the  parish,  whether  he  performed 
the  service  or  not,  provided  he  did  not  neglect  nor  refuse  to  do  so.33 

The  inhabitants  of  the  west  paid  little  attention  to  the  vestry 
and  parish  laws. 

By  the  marriage  acts  of  the  province  no  minister  or  magistrate 
could  perform  the  rite  of  marriage  without  a  license  or  the  publi- 
cation of  banns.  The  parish  minister,  if  there  were  one,  should 
be  entitled  to  the  marriage  fee  unless  he  refused  or  neglected  to 
perform  the  ceremony.  The  Presbyterian  ministers  in  the  west 
performed  the  marriage  service  without  license  or  publication  of 
banns.  An  act  passed  early  in  Tryon's  administration  made  all 
such  marriages  valid  and  permitted  Presbyterian  ministers,  regu- 
larly called  to  any  congregation,  to  celebrate  the  rite  of  marriage 
when  a  license  was  issued.  By  a  law  of  1770  the  ministers  of  the 
same  denomination  were  authorized  to  perform  the  service  by  the 
publication  of  banns,  but  the  law  was  disallowed  by  the  authori- 
ties in  England.34 

The  marriage  and  vestry  acts  were  extremely  unpopular  in  the 
west.  Petitions  were  presented  to  the  Assembly  asking  their  re- 
peal. One  from  Mecklenburg  states  that  if  Rowan,  Mecklenburg, 
and  Tryon  counties  "were  wholly  relieved  from  the  grievances  of 
the  marriage  act  and  the  vestry  acts,  it  would  greatly  encourage 
the  settlement  of  the  frontiers,  and  make  them  a  strong  barrier  to 
the  interior  parts  of  the  province  against  a  savage  enemy."35 

Little  is  known  of  the  early  clergymen  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land.    Upon  the  petition  of  the  people  of  Rowan,  a  Mr.  Miller 


MAshe,  385;   Rumple,  72-74. 
34Ashe,  382-386. 
^Col.  Rec,  X,  1016. 


48  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

was  ordained  minister.  He  lived  irregularly  and  wandered  about 
from  parish  to  parish.  It  is  not  known  that  he  settled  in 
Rowan.36  In  1766,  Tryon  wrote  the  Board  of  Trade  that  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Micklejohn  had  just  gone  to  St.  Luke's.37  Nothing  fur- 
ther is  recorded  of  him. 

No  attempt  was  made  to  put  the  parish  and  vestry  laws  into 
force  in  Rowan  until  about  1770.  Some  time  prior  to  that  date 
more  than  one  hundred  inhabitants  of  the  county  petitioned  for  a 
"lawful  vestry."38 

There  seems  to  have  been  a  number  of  members  of  the  Church 
of  England  in  Rowan,  though  they  did  not  make  up  any  consid- 
erable part  of  the  population.  They  were  principally  found  in 
Salisbury  and  the  Jersey  Settlement.39  It  is  impossible  to  esti- 
mate the  number  with  any  degree  of  accuracy.  The  late  Hon. 
John  S.  Henderson,  in  his  interesting  sketch  on  "Episcopacy  in 
Rowan"  in  Ruinple's  history,  thinks  that  they  amounted  to  one- 
fourth  or  one-third  of  the  entire  population.40  This  estimate, 
however,  is  undoubtedly  too  large  if  applied  to  the  whole  of 
Rowan. 

The  first  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England  who  settled  in 
Rowan  was  the  Rev.  Theodoras  Swaine  Drage,  who  came  to  the 
county  about  1769  and  attempted  to  organize  St.  Luke's  Parish 
on  a  permanent  basis.  He  was  successful  in  having  a  chapel 
erected  in  the  Jersey  Settlement.41  His  letter  to  the  Society  for 
the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts  portrays  the  situ- 
ation in  Rowan.  Tryon  had  received  repeated  applications  from 
the  people  for  a  clergyman,  and  he  was  largely  responsible  for 
Drage's  going  to  St.  Luke's.  Drage  claimed  that  two-thirds  of 
the  population  were  of  the  Church  of  England,  but  his  state- 
ments are  not  borne  out  by  other  records.  The  "Irish  Dissenters" 
had  the  power  of  government  vested  in  their  hands,  for  they  had 
titles  to  their  lands.  Many  of  the  other  settlers  had  come  into 
the  county  since  the  closing  of  the  land  offices  and  had  been  unable 
to  secure  titles  to  the  lands  which  they  occupied. 


36Col.  Rec,  VI,  1040. 
37Col.  Rec,  VII,  260. 

3SWilliamson,  258. 
39Rumple,  70. 
40Rumple,  383. 
"Rumple,  384. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Eowan  County  49 

Mr.  Drage  was  very  active  in  his  labors.  Upon  his  arrival  lie 
found  the  English  churchmen  "disheartened  and  dispersed,"  but 
soon  he  had  forty  preaching  places  where  he  ministered  to  "seven 
thousand  souls,  men,  women,  and  children."  Between  December 
20,  1769,  and  the  same  date  in  1770,  he  baptized  eight  hundred 
and  two  persons.  Their  ages  varied  from  less  than  a  year  to  sixty 
years,  the  majority  being  infants.  A  Rev.  Mr.  Cupples  had  paid 
a  visit  to  St.  Luke's  during  the  preceding  summer  and  baptized 
many. 

Mr.  Drage's  efforts  to  establish  the  parish  on  a  legal  and  perma- 
nent foundation  were  less  fruitful.  At  an  election  held  Easter 
Monday,  1770,  the  Dissenters,  having  control  of  a  majority  of  the 
votes,  elected  a  vestry,  all  of  whom  were  Dissenters  and  two  of 
whom  were  elders.  The  vestry  refused  to  qualify.  The  same 
procedure  had  been  practiced  in  the  preceding  year.  The  voters 
declared  that  "their  purpose  in  voting  was  not  as  to  who  should 
compose  the  vestry,  but  that  there  might  be  none."  The  members 
of  the  Church  of  England  petitioned  for  a  removal  of  their  inca- 
pacity to  vote  for  want  of  deeds,  but  the  Assembly  did  not  grant 
their  request.  Mr.  Drage  considered  a  petition  of  the  Presbyte- 
rians praying  that  they  might  be  relieved  from  paying  towards 
the  support  of  the  parish  minister  and  that  their  clergy  might  be 
permitted  to  perform  marriages  by  the  publication  of  banns  as 
"an  act  directly  leveled  at  the  Constitution."42  In  theory  he  was 
right.  The  mistake,  however,  was  in  striving  to  thrust  an  estab- 
lished church  upon  an  unwilling  and  headstrong  people. 

The  contest  between  Drage  and  the  Dissenters  continued  to  grow 
warm.  The  unfortunate  clergyman  seems  to  have  received  no 
salary  and  to  have  been  dependent  upon  a  few  fees  and  the  Society 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Eoreign  Parts  for  his  sup- 
port. He  found  friends  only  in  the  Lutherans  and  in  Governor 
Tryon.43  He  informed  Governor  Martin,  Tryon's  successor,  that 
the  clerk  of  court  encouraged  the  people  who  obtained  marriage 
licenses  to  have  the  rites  performed  by  the  magistrates  in  prefer- 
ence to  him,   and   concealed  the  number  of  licenses  granted   in 


42Col.  Rec,  VIII.  502-504. 
43Col.  Rec,  VIII,  506-507. 


50  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

order  to  deprive  him  of  the  fees  to  which  the  parish  minister  was 
entitled.44  By  February,  1773,  the  Dissenters  succeeded  in  expell- 
ing Drage  by  withholding  his  salary  and  thereby  forcing  him  to 
leave  the  parish.45  No  other  clergyman  of  the  English  church 
appeared  in  Rowan  before  the  Eevolution. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Education  in  Rowan 

The  record  of  education  and  the  early  schools  of  Rowan  is  very 
meagre.  Most  of  the  inhabitants  possessed  at  least  an  elementary 
knowledge  of  reading,  writing  and  the  principles  of  mathematics. 
The  Germans  had  Luther's  translation  of  the  Bible  and  their 
Union  Hymn  Book.  At  this  time  the  old  field  schools  were  estab- 
lished and  taught  by  citizens  who  had  better  educations  than  the 
average.  There  must  have  been  a  number  of  these  schools  in  old 
Rowan.  The  boys  spent  their  leisure  hours  in  playing  "town- 
ball,"  "bull-pen,"  "cat"  and  "prisoner's  base,"  and  the  girls 
amused  themselves  with  "blind-man's  bluff,"  "drop-the-handker- 
chief,"  "fox  and  geese,"  and  "chichama-chichama-craney-crow." 
Dr.  Rumple  says :  "The  passing  traveler  could  easily  identify  the 
log  schoolhouse,  by  the  bell-like  tones  of  the  mingled  voices  of  the 
boys  and  girls  as  they  studied  their  spelling  and  reading  lessons 
aloud — sometimes  rendering  the  schoolroom  a  very  Babel  of  con- 
fused sounds."1 

In  1760,  Crowfield  Academy  was  established  on  the  headwaters 
of  Rocky  River,  in  the  bounds  of  the  Centre  congregation,  about 
two  miles  north  of  where  Davidson  College  now  stands.  This 
was  a  classical  school  where  many  of  the  prominent  men  of  Rowan 
and  the  near-by  counties  were  educated.  Among  them  were  Col- 
onel Adlai  Osborne,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Eusebius  McCorkle,  Dr. 
James  Hall,  and  Dr.  Ephriam  Brevard.2 


"Col.  Rec.  IX,  267. 
45Col.  Rec,  IX,  507,  622. 
iRumple,  83-84. 
"Rumple,  84. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Kowan  County  51 

About  the  year  1767  Dr.  David  Caldwell  founded  his  famous 
classical  "Log  College"  on  the  headwaters  of  North  Buffalo,  near 
the  present  city  of  Greensboro.3 

In  1773,  Gottfried  Arndt  arrived,  and  for  several  years  in- 
structed the  German  youth  around  Salisbury.4 

The  inhabitants  of  "Western  North  Carolina  before  the  Revolu- 
tion  were  dependent  upon  the  old  field  schools  and  a  few  classical 
academies,  such  as  Caldwell's  and  Crowfield,  for  their  education. 
Those  who  were  able  often  completed  their  schooling  at  Nassau 
Hall  (now  Princeton  University)  under  Dr.  John  "Witherspoon.5 


CHAPTER  IX 

The  Safety  Committee 

Rowan  County  has  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  county  in 
North  Carolina  to  organize  a  safety  committee.1  This  fact  shows 
that  the  people  were  keenly  alive  to  the  cause  of  the  colonies.  The 
first  committee  met  August  8,  1774.  Its  members  were  James 
McCay,  Andrew  Neal,  George  Cathey,  Alexander  Dobbins,  Fran- 
cis McCorkle,  Matthew  Locke,  Maxwell  Chambers,  Henry  Har- 
mon, Abraham  Denton,  "William  Davidson,  Samuel  Young,  John 
Brevard,  "William  Kennon,  George  Henry  Barringer,  Robert  Bell, 
John  Bickerstaff,  John  Cowden,  John  Lewis  Beard,  John  Nesbit, 
Charles  McDowell,  Robert  Blackburn,  Christopher  Beekman,  "Wil- 
liam Sharpe,  John  Johnston,  and  Morgan  Bryan.2  The  records 
of  the  Rowan  Committee  of  Safety  have  been  preserved  in  Wheel- 
er's "History  of  North  Carolina"  and  in  the  Colonial  Becords 
and  they  give  an  insight  into  the  opinions  and  purposes  of  the 
times.  Though  this  committee  began  its  administration  before 
the  Revolution  its  actions  belong  to  the  Revolutionary  period,  and 
will  not  be  discussed  in  this  sketch. 


3Caruthers,  30-31. 

4Bernheim,  260-261. 

6Rumple,  84-85. 

^ol.  Rec,  IX,  xxxii. 

2Col.  Rec,  IX,  1024-1026  ;   Rumple,  147. 


52  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

CHAPTER  X 

Social  and  Industrial  Conditions 

The  inhabitants  of  Rowan  and  the  other  western  counties  lived 
among  surroundings'  quite  different  from  those  who  dwelt  in  the 
east.  While  the  latter  passed  a  life  of  ease  and  gayety  on  their 
large  plantations  with  numerous  African  slaves,  the  former  felled 
the  forests  and  built  homes  on  the  fertile  and  pleasant  lands  lying 
along  the  countless  streams  which  watered  the  country.  The 
Indians  who  lived  beyond  the  mountains  were  a  constant  source 
of  alarm.  The  woods  teemed  with  game.  As  is  the  case  in  all 
frontier  communities,  the  sterner  and  stronger  qualities  of  men 
predominated. 

Slave  labor  was  introduced  into  the  territory  embraced  by 
Rowan  County  before  it  was  taken  from  Anson.  The  list  of  taxa- 
bles  for  Rowan  for  the  year  after  its  establishment  indicate  that 
there  were  then  fifty-four  black  taxables  in  the  county.1  As  after 
this  date  the  white  and  black  taxables  were  not  listed  separately, 
there  is  no  means  of  determining  the  number  of  slaves  owned  by 
the  inhabitants.  No  doubt  many  others  were  brought  in,  but 
slavery  did  not  assume  such  large  proportions  in  Rowan  as  it  did 
in  the  eastern  counties. 

Practically  all  of  the  people  derived  their  living  from  the  soil. 
In  the  summer  of  1755  Governor  Dobbs  visited  the  west  in  order 
to  inspect  his  lands  on  Rocky  River.  Along  the  Yadkin  he  found 
fields  of  barley,  wheat,  rye,  and  oats.2  Continuing  his  course  to 
Rocky  River,  he  visited  between  thirty  and  forty  of  the  families 
situated  on  his  lands.  These  people  were  prolific,  there  being 
from  five  to  ten  children  in  each  family.  The  settlers  raised 
horses,  cows,  hogs,  and  sheep,  and  planted  Indian  corn.  They 
made  butter  and  cheese  and  had  "made  good  success  with  indigo."3 

There  were  no  stock-laws  in  those  days.  The  cattle  were 
branded  by  their  owners  and  allowed  to  roam  at  large.4     There  is 


iCol.  Rec,  V,  575. 
2Col.  Rec,  V,  355. 
3Ashe,  289-290. 
4Rumple,  39-41. 


A  Colonial  History  of  Rowan  County  53 

record  that  the  Moravians  cultivated  cotton  and  tobacco  in  addi- 
tion to  grains  and  vegetables.5 

Wild  animals  proved  a  great  inconvenience  to  the  frontier 
agriculturists.  Accordingly  bounties  were  offered  to  all  persons 
who  killed  a  wolf  or  a  wild  cat  or  a  panther  within  ten  miles  of 
any  settled  plantation.6  In  1767,  an  act  was  passed  requiring 
every  master  or  mistress  of  a  plantation,  or  the  overseer  in  case 
the  owner  did  not  reside  in  the  county,  to  kill  or  cause  to  be  killed 
every  year  seven  crows  or  squirrels  for  each  taxable  under  his  or 
her  control.  Failure  to  do  so  was  penalized  by  a  fine  of  four  pence 
for  each  crow  or  squirrel  less  than  the  required  number,  while 
those  who  killed  more  than  were  required  were  entitled  to  receive 
a  bounty  of  four  pence  for  each  in  excess  of  the  requisite  number.7 

The  rates  charged  by  the  tavern  keepers  of  Salisbury  may  be 
of  interest.  In  1755,  the  inferior  court  fixed  the  following  rates 
for  keepers  of  ordinaries: 

For  dinner  of  roast  or  boiled  flesh,  1  shilling. 

For  supper  and  breakfast,  each,  6  pence. 

For  lodging  one  night,  good  bed,  2  pence. 

For  stablage  (24  hours)  with  good  hay  or  fodder,  6  pence. 

For  pasturage  first  24  hours,  4  pence. 

For  every  24  hours  thereafter,  2  pence. 

For  Indian  corn  and  other  grain  per  quart,  2  pence.8 

The  people  of  Rowan  and  the  other  sections  of  the  west  were 
much  more  closely  connected  with  Charleston  commercially  than 
with  the  coast  towns  of  ISTorth  Carolina,  for  it  was  to  the  South 
Carolina  port  that  they  sent  their  produce.  In  1762,  provision 
was  made  by  the  Assembly  for  building  Campbelton  on  the  Cape 
Fear  River.  It  was  thought  that  this  town  would  be  the  means  of 
bringing  the  trade  which  enriched  the  merchants  of  Charleston  to 
the  coast  of  iSTorth  Carolina.9  As  this  step  failed  to  accomplish 
the  desired  end,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  lay  out  a  road  from 
the  frontiers  to  Wilmington.10  The  committee  having  failed  to 
act,  in  1771  a  commission  was  selected  to  plot  a  road  from  Meck- 


5Clewell,  24. 

6State  Rec,  XXIII,  784-785,  862,  971. 

7StateRec,  XXV,  510-511. 

8Rumple,  41. 

"State  Rec,  XXV,  470. 

10State  Rec,  XXIII,  753-754. 


54  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

lenburg  courthouse  and  from  Salisbury  the  "nearest  and  best 
way"  to  Campbelton.11  The  plan  was  not  carried  out  by  the 
committee,  and  the  west  continued  its  commerce  with  the  mer- 
chants of  Charleston. 

The  people  of  the  west  had  great  difficulty  in  communicating 
with  one  another  for  want  of  roads.12  Such  roads  as  existed  were 
far  from  being  in  a  state  of  perfection. 

Practically  all  of  the  manufactured  commodities  were  made  in 
the  home.  Tompkins,  in  his  "History  of  Mecklenburg  County," 
says :  "The  people  made  their  own  hats  and  shoes,  and  wove  their 
own  cloth.  They  were  hatters  and  shoemakers  and  weavers  and 
tailors.  They  raised  indigo  for  dyeing.  They  raised  flax  and 
made  it  into  linen."13  Though  this  statement  is  made  primarily 
of  the  people  of  Mecklenburg  County,  it  applies  with  equal  truth 
to  those  of  Rowan. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Colonial  Records  of  North  Carolina. 

State  Records  of  North  Carolina. 

Ashe,  S.  A.:     History  of  North  Carolina. 

Bernheim:  History  of  the  German  Settlements  and  the  Lutheran 
Church  in  North  and  South  Carolina. 

Caruthers,  E.  W.:     Life  of  David  Caldwell. 

Clewell,  J.  H. :     History  of  Wachovia. 

Foote,  W.  H.:     Sketches  of  North  Carolina. 

Fries,  W.  H. :     Forsyth  County. 

Handbook  of  North  Carolina  (1886). 

Haywood,  M.  DeL. :     Governor  William  Tryon. 

Hulme,  E.  M. :     The  Renaissance  and  Reformation. 

Hunter,  C.  L. :     Sketches  of  Western  North  Carolina. 

Lawson,  J.:     History  of  North  Carolina. 

Martin,  F.  X.:     History  of  North  Carolina. 

North  Carolina  Manual  (1913). 

Raper,  C.  L.:  North  Carolina — A  Study  in  English  Colonial  Gov- 
ernment. 

Tompkins,  D.  A. :    A  History  of  Mecklenburg  County. 

Rumple,  J.:     History  of  Rowan  County. 

Weeks,  S.  B.:     Southern  Quakers  and  Slavery. 

Williamson,  H. :     A  History  of  North  Carolina. 

Waddell,  H. :     A  Colonial  Officer. 


"State  Rec,  XXIII,  870-871. 
"Col.  Rec,  VII,  354. 
"Tompkins,  22-23. 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA 


The  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

PUBLISHED  UNDER  THE  DIRECTION  OF 

The  North  Carolina  Historical  Society 


Editors: 

J.  G.  DeROULHAC  HAMILTON 
HENRY  McGILBERT  WAGSTAFF 
WILLIAM  WHATLEY  PIERSON,  JR. 

VOL.16  No.  2 


CONTENTS 

THE  DIARY  OF  BARTLETT  YANCEY 
MALONE 

THE  PROVINCIAL  AGENTS  OF 
NORTH  CAROLINA 


CHAPEL  HILL 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY 

1919 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 


The  following  is  the  diary  of  a  North  Carolina  farmer,  Bart- 
lett  Yancey  Malone,  who  fought  during  the  American  War  of 
Secession  from  July,  1861,  to  November,  1863,  when  he  was  cap- 
tured and  made  prisoner.  He  entered  the  Confederate  Army  at 
the  age  of  twenty-three  as  a  private  and  rose  to  the  rank  of  a 
sergeant,  being  a  member  during  his  active  service  of  the  6th 
North  Carolina  Regiment.  As  he  said,  this  regiment  at  the  time 
of  his  capture  in  battle  on  the  Rappahannock  River  belonged  to 
"General  Hooks  (Hoke)  brigard  Early  Division  Ewels  Corps 
Leas  Armey. ' '  As  Iris  story  shows,  Malone  participated  in  most 
of  the  great  battles  and  campaigns  in  Virginia,  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania.  After  his  capture,  November  7,  1863,  he  was  im- 
prisoned at  Point  Lookout,  Maryland,  where  he  remained  until 
February  24th,  1865. 

An  incpiiry  as  to  the  justification  for  the  publication  of  this 
document  would  be  pertinent,  for  on  a  cursory  reading  it  seems 
little  more  than  an  extended  weather  report.  Mr.  Malone  per- 
formed no  extraordinary  feat  of  heroism,  at  least  none  such  was 
recorded ;  he  participated  with  individual  distinction  in  no  poli- 
tical movement  of  importance;  he  played  no  role  which  would 
cause  historians  to  single  him  out  for  particular  notice.  His 
diary  is  reproduced  here  as  a  document  of  human  interest  which 
reveals,  with  much  quaintness  of  expression,  the  thoughts  of  a 
simple  soldier  of  the  ranks — the  thoughts,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  of 
a  mass  of  men,  which  have  oftentimes  been  inarticulate.  There 
is  a  frankness  about  this  diary  that  conveys  inevitably,  I  believe, 
the  conviction  of  sincerity.  And  there  is  a  lack  of  emotion — as 
when  in  remarking  on  an  event  which,  we  are  told,  caused  the  sol- 
diers great  grief,  the  death  of  Stonewall  Jackson,  he  merely  said, 
"And  General  Jackson  died  to-day,  which  is  the  10th  day  of 
May" — an  absence  of  bitterness  and  of  complaints  which,  con- 
sidering the  provocation  of  circumstances,  make  the  diary  of  al- 
most as  much  interest  because  of  these  omissions  as  because  of 
what  is  included.    Perhaps  the  most  conspicuously  absent  feature 


6  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

is  that  of  any  statement  of  the  Southern  cause  for  which  he  was 
fighting.  Not  only  does  the  writer  refrain  from  criticism  of  the 
North,  but  he  omits  to  tell  why  he  is  fighting  for  the  South.  He 
assumes  the  Southern  cause  tacitly  and  of  course.  Mr.  Malone  was 
chiefly  concerned  with  his  job  of  being  a  soldier  and,  as  there 
was  no  passion  nor  rancor  in  his  story,  there  was  likewise  no  ex- 
altation nor  fervid  declamation.  He  asserted  no  particular 
knowledge  of  military  events  nor  predicted  the  result  of  any  en- 
gagement. "What  the  result  is  to  be  is  more  than  I  no."  He 
did  not  seem  to  have  been  especially  elated  by  victory,  and  he 
was  certainly  not  demoralized  by  defeat — not  even  that  of 
Gettysburg.  He  committed  himself  on  rare  occasions  to  expres- 
sions which  manifested  a  confidence  in  the  ultimate  outcome,  as 
after  a  successful  battle  he  said :  ' '  We  whipt  them  like  we  aul- 
ways  do."  He  was  unconsciously  a  brave  man  who  took  a  sober 
sort  of  joy  in  fighting.  On  one  occasion,  when  alluding  to  a  battle 
of  more  than  four  hours  in  length,  which  began  about  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  he  remarked:  "we  had  a  wright  nice 
time  of  it  from  then  on  tell  dark."  There  is  no  notice  taken  of 
the  horrors  of  war,  of  bloody  scenes  which  he  must  have  witnessed 
on  the  battlefield ;  nor  were  there  any  complaints  made  of  the 
pains  of  the  wounds  he  received.  His  attitude  toward  the  enemy 
was  unemotional,  almost  indifferent.  He  sometimes  referred  to 
the  federal  soldiers  as  "the  Scamps,"  which,  in  view  of  the 
heated  controversies  of  the  time,  must  certainly  be  regarded  as  a 
mild  term  of  reproach.  It  is  true  that  he  designated  General 
Benjamin  F.  Butler  as  the  "Yankee  beast,"  but  that  was  an  ex- 
pression then  so  current  in  the  South  as  to  be  conventional  so  far 
as  Butler  was  concerned.  Having  done  with  these  negative, 
though  very  significant,  aspects,  it  might  be  said  that,  judging 
from  the  diary,  Malone  was  chiefly  thinking — possibly  from  a 
farmer's  habit — of  the  weather  with  its  attendant  pleasures  and 
discomforts  and  about  food. 

One  persistent  habit  of  Malone  was  to  record  the  texts  of 
sermons  which  he  heard,  together  with  references  to  their  biblical 
sources.  This  practice,  in  addition  to  revealing  some  interesting 
evidence  as  to  the  nature  of  Civil  War  sermons,  will  remind  some 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  7 

readers  of  the  time  when  it  was  considered  a  cardinal  sin  to  be 
unable  to  quote  and  cite  the  preacher's  text.  Religion  affected 
him  in  this  way  not  only,  but  it  influenced  his  poetry. 

That  part  of  the  diary  which  describes  Malone's  experience 
as  a  prisoner  at  Point  Lookout  is,  I  think,  an  important  and  valu- 
able addition  to  the  limited,  first-hand  material  dealing  with 
Southerners  in  Northern  prisons.  It  was  when  writing  his  reflec- 
tions on  prison  life  that  the  first  note  of  despair  comes  into  his 
journals.  His  criticism  of  the  treatment  of  prisoners  there  may 
be  summarized  under  four  heads :  First,  there  was  not  food 
enough.  ' '  Our  rations  at  Point  Lookout  was  5  crackers  and  a 
cup  of  coffee  for  Breakfast.  And  for  dinner  a  small  ration  of 
meat  2  crackers  three  potatoes  and  a  cup  of  soup.  Sugar  we 
have  non. "  Later  he  described  the  food  supplied  by  saying, 
' ;  Our  Rations  gets  no  better  we  get  half  a  loaf  of  bread  a  day  a 
smal  slice  of  Pork  or  Beef  or  Sault  Beef  for  Breakfast  for  dinner 
a  cup  of  Been  Soup  and  Supper  we  get  non. ' '  Coffee  and  sugar, 
which  last  commodity  had  for  a  time  been  supplied,  had 
been  taken  away.  At  one  time  his  friends  caught,  cooked  and 
ate  a  rat.  Secondly,  he  wrote  of  the  poor  protection  against  the 
cold  afforded  the  prisoners.  Many  had  to  sleep  on  the  ground 
with  only  one  blanket.  "All  the  wood  we  get  at  Point  Lookout 
is  one  sholder  tirn  of  pine  brush  every  other  day  for  a  tent.  16 
men  to  every  tent. ' '  He  recorded  that  five  men  froze  to  death  on 
one  night.  Thirdly,  he  mentioned  the  frequent  shooting  of  pris- 
oners by  the  guards  for  trivial  reasons.  At  one  time  he  states 
that  a  prisoner  was  shot  and  killed  by  the  guard  ' '  for  no  reason 
attall. "  Fourthly,  he  rather  bitterly  resented  the  placing  of 
negroes  as  guards  over  him. 

It  will  seem  strange  to  some  that  the  writer  of  this  diary 
should  have  spelled  General  Lee's  name,  which  undoubtedly  was 
very  familiar  to  him,  as  "Lea."  This  spelling  of  the  famous 
name  may  be  explained  by  the  fact,  of  which  I  have  been  in- 
formed, that  in  Caswell  County  there  were  a  number  of  people 
who  spelled  their  name  "Lea,"  as,  indeed,  did  an  officer  of 
Malone  's  regiment.    This  and  other  orthographic  curiosities  must 


8  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

be  considered  in  the  light  of  the  fact  that  he  was  a  graduate  of 
the  "corn  field  and  tobacco  patch"  university. 

No  serious  editing  has  been  undertaken.  Outside  of  an  oc- 
casional attempt  to  indicate  in  some  cases  the  accurate  form  of 
certain  proper  names  and  places,  the  diary  has  been  allowed  to 
stand  without  comment  as  written. 

William  Whatley  Pierson,  Jr. 
Chapel  Hill,  N.  C,  March  25,  1919. 


THE  DIARY  OF 
BARTLETT  YANCEY  MALONE 


Bartlett  Y.  Malone  was  bornd  and  raised  in  North  Carolina 
Caswell  County  in  the  Year  of  our  Lord  1838.  And  was  Gradgu- 
ated  in  the  corn  field  and  tobacco  patch :  And  inlisted  in  the 
war  June  the  18th  1861.  And  was  a  member  of  the  Caswell 
Boys  Company  which  was  comanded  by  Captian  Michel  (A.  A. 
Mitchell)  :  And  was  attached  to  the  6th  N.  C.  Regiment  the 
9th  day  of  July  '61  which  was  comanded  by  Colonel  Fisher  who 
got  kild  in  the  first  Manassas  Battel  which  was  July  21,  1861. 
And  then  was  comanded  by  Colonel  W.  D.  Pender  untell  the 
Seven  Pines  fight  which  was  fought  the  30th  day  of  May  '61.* 
And  then  Colonel  W.  D.  Pender  was  promoted  to  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral. And  then  Captain  I.  E.  Avry  (Avery)  of  Co.  E  was  pro- 
moted to  Lieutenant  Colonel  who  was  in  comand  untell  about  the 
10th  of  October  when  he  was  promoted  to  Colonel  and  still  staid 
in  comand  untell  the  2th  day  of  July  1863  which  was  the  day  the 
fite  was  at  Gettysburg  whar  he  was  kild.  And  then  Lieut : 
Colonel  Webb  taken  comand. 

Look  hear  Mr.  Johnston  did  you  ever  go  to  Scolidge 
I  dont  no  :  I  guess  you  mean  coledg  clout  you,  Bans : 
Yes,  that  what  I  said  Scoledg  : 

Oh  go  way  from  hear  negro  you  dont  no  what  you  ar  a  talken 
about 

Yes  I  do  dat  just  what  I  said. 


His  purposes  will  ripen  fast 
Unfolding  evry  hour 
The  bud  may  have  a  bitter  taste 
But  sweet  will  be  the  flower 


*  For  a  history   of  the   Sixth   Regiment,    see   Clark    (editor),    North   Carolina   Regi- 
ments,  1861-1865,   Vol.   I    (1901). 


10  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

May  your  days  be  days  of  pleasure 
May  your  nites  be  nites  of  rest 
May  you  obtain  lif es  sweetest  pleasure 
And  then  be  numbered  with  the  blest. 


Whar  ere  you  rome 
What  ere  your  lot 
Its  all  I  ask 
Forget  me  not. 

Remember  me  when  I  am  gon 
Dear  friend  remember  me 
And  when  you  bow  befour  the  throne 
0  then  remember  me. 


You  are  a  charming  little  dandy 
Sweeter  than  the  sweetest  candy. 


Candy  is  sweet 
It  is  very  clear 
But  not  half  so  sweet 
As  you  my  dear 


One  day  amidst  the  plas 
Where  Jesus  is  within 
Is  better  than  ten  thousen  days 
Of  pleasure  and  of  Sin 

0  for  grace  our  hearts  to  soften 
Teach  us  Lord  at  length  to  love 
We  alas  forget  too  often 
What  a  friend  we  have  above. 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  11 

All  I  like  of  being  a  Whale 
Is  a  water  Spout  and  a  tail. 


A  certen  cewer  for  the  Toothack  if  the  tooth  is  hollow  take  a 
pease  of  the  scale  that  is  on  a  horses  leg  and  put  it  in  the  hollow 
of  the  tooth    It  is  a  serten  cewer  so  sais  J.  H.  Lyon. 

B.  Y.  M. 


B.  Y.  MALONE'S  MEMORANDUM 

FOR  THE  YEAR  1862 


The  first  day  of  January  was  a  beautyfull  day 

And  William  Hester  died  the  last  day  of  Dec.  1861 

The  2  day  was  a  beautyfull  one  and  nothing  happend  of 
eney  interest  that  day. 

The  3  day  was  also  a  pritty  day. 

The  4  day  we'  had  a  right  smart  snow  and  Mr.  Compton  is 
at  our  camp  to  day  on  a  visit. 

The  5th  which  is  the  Sabath  and  ther  is  a  right  smart  ice 
on  the  ground  to  day  And  Bethel  is  a  cooking  I.  H.  Jonstons 
big  turkey  for  dinner. 

The  6th  day  was  a  very  coal  one  indeed  and  the  snow  is 
about  a  half  of  a  inch  deep  on  the  ground  to  day  and  Mr.  I.  T. 
Compton  left  our  camp  to  day  for  home. 

The  7th  day  I  was  on  gard  and  it  was  a  very  coal  day. 

The  8th  day  was  also  coal  and  me  and  Bethel  washed  our 
close  to  day. 

The  9th  day  was  a  beautyfull  And  Mr.  Thomas  Martin 
arived  at  our  camp  today  on  a  visit. 

The  10  day  was  cloudy  but  not  much  rain  And  I  wrote  a 
letter  to  S.  F.  Compton  today. 

The  11  day  was  a  very  pritty  day  over  head  but  powerfull 
muddy  under  foot.  And  nothing  happend  to  day  worth  a 
naming. 

The  12  day  which  is  the  Sabath  and  it  is  a  beautifull  sun- 
shiney  day  And  me  and  Young  eat  our  big  oposam  today  for 
dinner  and  indeed  it  was  sum  good. 

The  13  was  a  very  nice  day  indeed. 

The  14  day  the  snow  was  about  shoe  mouth  deep  And  Mr. 
Clover  and  Young  and  Joshua  and  my  self  went  a  rabbit  hunt- 
ing and  caught  one  squirl  And  indeed  we  saw  a  heep  of  fun 
that  day. 

The  15  day  was  a  very  bad  day  it  raind  all  day  and  freezed 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  13 

as  it  fell  and  at  night  there  was  about  as  much  ice  on  the  treese 
as  I  ever  saw  in  my  life. 

The  16  day  was  a  wright  warm  day  and  the  snow  nearley 
all  melted  off  of  the  ground  by  night 

The  17  day  was  very  cool  and  cloudy 

The  18  day  was  sloppy  day  And  I  hird  today  that  peas 
was  made  between  the  North  and  South  and  I  hird  that  our 
men  sunk  a  vessel  down  on  the  Potomac  last  night  But  indeed 
I  dont  beleave  a  word  of  it. 

The  19  day  was  a  raney  one  and  our  Company  was  on  picket 
gard  at  Greenwood  Church  which  is  in  about  9  miles  from  Poco- 
quan  And  Mr.  I.  F.  Richmond  arived  at  our  camp  to  day  on 
a  visit. 

The  20  day  and  it  is  still  araning  and  nothing  happend  to- 
day of  any  interest 

The  21  is  cloudy  and  a  raning  And  I  am  on  gard  today  at 
the  camp 

The  22  was  cloudy  but  no  rain 

The  23  was  cloudy  and  cool  but  no  rain  And  thir  was  hevy 
canonading  down  on  the  Potomac  to  day 

The  24  was  cool  and  cloudy  in  the  morning  and  in  the  eavn- 
ing  it  was  a  snowing  And  Mr.  Oliver  and  Young  went  to 
Dumpfreese  to  day  for  witnesses  for  Mr.  B.  Murphey. 

The  25  was  a  very  cool  day  and  Young  went  back  to  Dum- 
frieze  to  day  again  for  witnes  for  B.  Murphey. 

The  26  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  beautyfull  day  indeed 

The  27  was  a  warm  sunshiney  day  and  we  all  went  out  on 
drill  to  day  for  the  first  time  in  too  months  And  the  Colonel 
praysed  ous  all  and  said  that  he  was  glad  that  we  had  not  for- 
got en  how  to  drill 

The  28th  day  was  cloudy  in  the  morning  and  clear  in  the 
eavning  And  I  hope  the  Lieutenants  get  sum  logs  today  to 
put  a  flower  (floor)  in  his  hous 

The  29  was  a  very  pritty  warm  day,  but  after  night  it 
comenced  raning  And  I  was  on  gard  to  day  And  my  post 
was  right  befour  the  Colonels  house  door. 

The  30  day  was  a  raney  day  and  nothing  happend  to  day 


14  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

onley  me  and  Marshal  Walker  was  a  playing  and  I  hurt  my  face 
with  a  fence  rail 

The  31  day  was  cloudy  but  not  much  rain  And  nothing 
happend  today  worth  a  menshionen. 

B.  Y.  Malone. 

The  Month  of  February  1862 

The  first  day  of  February  was  a  raney  day  indeed  And 
nothing  happened  to  day  of  eney  interest 

The  2  day  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  very  warm  day 

The  3  day  was  a  very  bad  day  it  snowed  all  day  long  and  at 
night  the  snow  was  about  six  inches  deep 

The  4  day  was  a  very  nice  day  over  head  and  the  snow 
melted  very  fast  all  day,  and  we  boys  saw  a  heep  of  fun  that 
■day  a  snow  bawling 

The  5  day  was  a  very  warm  sunshiney  day  and  the  snow 
was  nearly  all  melted  off  of  the  ground  by  night  And  nothing 
happend  to  day  worth  a  namen 

The  6  day  was  a  very  raney  one  And  Lieutenant  Lea  and 
Sergeant  Couvington  and  H.  Rudd  and  Mr.  Balden  all  started 
home  to  day  as  recruiting  officers. 

The  7  day  was  cold  and  cloudy    And  I  was  on  gard  to  day 

The  8  day  was  very  cool  And  Lieutenant  Lea  was  promoted 
to  Captian  And  Sergeant  Olover  promoted  to  Second  Lieutenant 
to  day  And  Nat  Hester  promoted  to  fourth  Corporal 

The  9  day  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  very  pritty  day  And 
Thomas  Grinsted  dide  to  day  he  was  a  private  in  Captian  Leas 
Company 

The  10  day  was  clear  but  cool  And  we  went  out  on  drill 
today  for  the  first  time  in  severl  weeks. 

The  11  day  was  a  very  cool  day  And  me  and  Cousin  Ander- 
son went  down  to  the  fourth  Alabama  Reg  in  a  visit. 

The  12  day  was  a  very  pritty  day  indeed  and  I  went  to 
Dumfrieze  today  and  then  returned  home 

The  13th  day  was  a  pritty  warm  sunshiney  day  And  we 
went  on  drill  twist  that  day. 

The  14th  day  a  wright  coal  day. 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  15 

The  15  day  was  a  very  bad  day  indeed  it  snowed  all  day 
long  and  at  night  the  snow  was  about  3  inches  deep  on  the 
ground 

The  16  day  was  a  clear  day  and  the  snow  melted  a  little 
And  Mr.  Luther  Rudd  dide  to  day  about  8  oclock  in  the  morning 

The  17  day  was  a  xery  bad  day  it  rained  all  day  and  friezed 
as  it  fell. 

The  18  day  was  cloudy  but  warm  and  the  ice  melted  off  and 
I  was  on  gard  that  day 

The  19  day  was  a  very  raney  day  indeed  And  Mr.  I.  R. 
Hester  And  Calvin  Snipes  arived  at  our  camp  today  on  a  visit 

The  20  day  was  a  beautifull  day  it  looked  like  the  spring  of 
the  year  and  Mr.  I.  R.  Moore  left  our  camps  today  to  go  home 
on  a  furlough 

The  21  day  was  cool  and  cloudy  And  ther  was  a  wright 
smart  excitement  in  camp  today  It  was  repoted  that  the  Yankees 
Was  a  landing  at  Colchester 

The  22  day  was  cloudy  and  it  rained  a  little  in  the  morning 
And  Mr.  I.  R.  Hester  and  N.  Snips  left  our  camp  today  for  home 

The  23  day  was  cloudy  but  not  much  rain 

The  24  day  was  clear  and  very  windey  indeed 

The  25  day  was  clear  and  cool  And  A.  I.  Brincefield  started 
home  today  on  a  sick  furlough 

The  26  day  was  cloudy  but  not  much  rain 

The  27  day  was  clear  and  Brother  Albert  arrived  at  our 
camps  today  on  a  visit 

The  28  day  was  clear  but  very  windey  and  cool  And  ther 
was  a  wright  smart  stir  in  camps  today  for  we  had  orders  to 
pack  our  knapsacks  and  to  be  ready  to  inarch  at  a  moments 
warning  but  wher  we  was  to  go  too  we  did  not  no.  Spring  is 
now  come.  B.  Y.  Maloxe. 

The  Month  of  March  1862 

The  1  day  of  March  was  clear  and  very  cool  And  I  was  on 
gard  in  the  day  but  being  unwell  I  got  excused  from  standing 
after  night 


16  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

The  2  day  it  snowed  tell  the  snow  was  about  2  inches  on  the 
ground. 

The  3  day  was  cloudy  and  rained  nearley  all  day 

The  4  day  was  clear  and  cool  and  our  company  was  on  picket 
gard  today  at  Greenwood  Chirch 

The  5  day  was  cloudy  but  no  rain  And  Brother  Albert  left 
our  camps  today  for  home 

The  6  day  clear  in  the  morning  and  cloudy  in  the  eavning 
And  snowed  o  little  And  we  had  orders  today  from  General 
Whiten  (W.  H.  Whiting)  to  drill  twist  every  day  hear  after 

The  7  day  was  clear  but  very  cool  and  we  have  orders  to  cook 
too  days  rations  and  be  ready  to  march  in  the  morning  but 
where  we  are  agoing  is  more  than  I  no 

The  8  day  of  March  was  cloudy  and  cool  And  our  Regiment 
left  camp  Fisher  today  for  Camp  Barton 

The  9  day  was  clear  and  warm  And  we  marched  about  15 
miles  to  day  on  toward  Camp  Barton 

The  10  day  was  cloudy  and  raining  in  the  morning  but  no 
rain  in  the  eavning  And  we  arrived  at  camp  Barton  about  3 
oclock  in  the  eavning  which  is  about  2  miles  west  of  Frederks- 
burg  (Fredericksburg) 

The  11  day  was  a  beautyfull  warm  sunshiney  day  and  we 
cleaned  our  streets  and  struck  our  tents  today 

The  12  day  was  a  beautyfull  spring  day  and  nothing  occurd 
of  eney  interest 

The  13  day  was  warm  and  clear 

The  14  day  was  warm  and  cloudy  but  no  rain  And  I  was 
on  gard  at  Camp  Barton  for  the  first  time. 

The  15  day  was  a  very  raney  day  indeed 

The  16  day  which  was  the  Sabath  was  cloudy  but  no  rain 
And  our  recruits  got  in  today  and  the  number  of  them  was  45 

The  17  day  was  cool  and  cloudy  but  no  rain  and  I  hurd  today 
that  we  had  to  march  back  to  Richmond 

The  18  day  was  clear  and  warm  And  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Lightfoot  of  the  6th  N.  C.  S.  T.  was  promoted  to  Colonel  of  the 
5th  Alabama  Regt  today 

The  19  day  was  cloudy  and  cool 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  17 

The  20  day  was  raney  and  very  cool  indeed 

The  21  day  cloudy  and  cool  but  no  rain 

The  22  day  cloudy  and  sum  rain  And  I  was  on  gard  and  the 
counter  sign  was  York  Town 

The  23  day  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  beautyfull  spring 
day  and  I  went  to  Frederksburg  to  preaching  And  the  preach- 
ers text  was  in  St.  John  3  chap  and  18  virse 

The  23  day  cool  and  cloudy 

The  24  cool  and  cloudy 

The  25  was  a  beautyfull  day 

The  26  was  also  a  nice  day 

The  27  warm  and  clear 

The  28  was  a  beautyfull  spring  day  and  we  have  orders  this 
eavning  to  cook  3  days  rashers  And  I  hird  severl  cannons  fyer- 
ing  this  eavning  but  what  is  to  be  the  result  is  more  than  I  no 

The  29  day  it  raind  and  haild  and  snowed  and  sleated  and 
friezed  and  done  a  little  of  all  that  was  bad  And  me  and  James 
Colmond  went  to  Fredreksburg  and  went  down  to  the  landing 
and  went  in  a  steam  boat  for  the  first  one  we  ever  was  in 

The  30  day  which  was  the  Sabath  was  cool  and  raney 

The  31  day  was  a  beautyfull  day  and  I  was  on  gard  and  my 
post  was  befour  the  gard  house  door  so  nothing  more. 

B.  Y.  Malone 

The  Month  of  April  1862 

The  6  day  of  April  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  beautyfull 
spring  day  And  I  went  to  Fredericksburg  to  meating  and  the 
Preachers  text  was  in  the  first  Book  of  Kings  18  chapter  and  21 
virse 

The  7  day  was  a  pritty  one 

The  8  day  was  cool  and  raney  And  our  Regiment  left  Camp 
Barton  in  the  morning  and  marched  on  toward  Richmond  threw 
the  wind  and  water  and  waded  the  creaks  as  they  went 

The  9  was  still  cool  and  raney  and  we  continued  our  march 
And  about  3  o'clock  in  the  eavning  as  we  was  marching  threw 
a  little  Town  cauld  Balden  Green  it  comenced  halen  and  raining 
on  ous  very  hard    And  then  it  was  about  3  miles  to  the  Depot 


18  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

wher  we  was  to  take  the  cars  And  we  all  got  very  wet  befour 
we  got  ther  And  then  about  sundown  we  got  in  sum  old  horse 
cars  and  was  run  to  Ashland  which  was  about  22  miles  And 
when  we  got  ther  I  was  wet  and  nearly  frosen  And  I  was  on 
gard  and  they  put  me  on  post  wright  away  and  I  had  to  stand 

2  hours    And  it  was  a  snowing  a  little  while  I  was  a  standing 

The  10  day  was  cool  and  cloudy  in  the  morning  but  cleerd 
off  about  twelve  and  we  stade  in  Town  all  day 

The  11  day  was  a  pritty  clear  day  and  we  stade  in  Town 
untell  eavning  And  in  the  eavning  we  went  out  in  the  woods 
about  a  mile  from  Town  and  struck  our  tents  for  the  night 

The  12  day  was  a  very  pritty  one 

The  13  day  was  also  a  nice  one  And  William  Jeffrus  of  our 
Company  dide  this  morning  And  we  had  a  Preacher  to  preach 
in  our  camp  today  and  his  text  was  in  the  Second  Book  of  Kings 
6  chapter  and  15  and  16  and  17  virses. 

The  14  of  April  was  a  very  pritty  day  And  our  Regiment 
left  Ashland  for  Yolktown  (Yorktown)  And  our  rought  was 
down  by  Hanover  Coathouse 

The  Second  day  we  still  continued  our  march    And  also  the 

3  and  fourth  we  marched  And  the  5  day  we  marched  and  past 
threw  the  town  of  Williamsburg  about  9  o'clock  in  the  morning 
And  about  an  hour  before  the  sun  set  we  arrived  at  General 
Johnston  Headquarters  which  is  in  about  a  mile  of  Yolktown 
wher  we  stopt  to  wait  for  the  Battle. 

The  29  day  of  April  was  a  beautyful  day  And  Calvin  Snips 
got  back  today  from  home  And  the  Reverant  Mr.  Stewart  from 
Alexander  preached  in  our  camp  this  eavning  and  his  text  was 
this :    I  am  the  Lord  of  Host : 

The  Month  of  May 

The  2  day  of  May  was  a  beautyful  one  And  we  had  orders 
to  leave  Yorktown  And  soon  in  the  morning  the  wagons  was 
loded  and  everything  sent  off  but  our  knapsacks  and  about  12 
o'clock  the  Artillery  was  all  plast  (placed)  in  a  line  of  battle 
acrost  the  field  and  about  dark  we  was  all  marched  out  behind  it 
and  Colonel  Pender  told  ous  that  they  expected  a  large  fight 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  19 

the  next  day  and  we  lade  ther  in  the  field  all  night  with  our 
guns  by  our  side  And  next  morning  we  marched  out  in  the  woods 
And  we  stade  ther  untell  about  2  o  'clock  in  the  night  And  then 
we  was  rousted  up  and  marched  about  a  half  a  mile  and  then 
for  sume  cause  we  was  stopt  and  sent  back  And  then  about  day- 
break we  started  again  and  taken  the  same  road  back  that  we 
come  down  And  about  12  oclock  we  got  to  Williamsburg  and 
we  onley  went  about  4  miles  futher  tell  we  stopt  to  stay  all  night 
And  about  4  oclock  in  the  earning  the  Yankees  Calvery  over- 
taken ours  clost  to  Williamsburg  and  we  had  a  little  brush  but 
our  men  whipt  thirs  and  we  onley  lost  one  kild  and  3  or  4 
wounded  And  we  kild  9  of  thirs  and  wounded  severl  and  taken 
10  horses  And  the  5  day  was  a  very  raney  one  indeed  and  we 
was  rousted  up  about  2  oclock  in  the  night  and  marched  all  day 
threw  the  mud  and  water  and  at  night  we  arived  in  about  2  miles 
of  West  Point 

The  6  day  we  stade  in  camp  untell  about  one  oclock  And  it 
was  reported  that  the  Yankees  was  alanding  down  at  West  Point 
and  we  was  all  run  out  in  a  file  and  plast  in  a  line  of  battel  ex- 
pecting a  fight  but  did  not  and  about  dark  we  marched  back  to 
our  camp  and  about  8  oclock  in  the  night  we  marched  about  a 
mile  to  another  plase  for  sum  cause  and  then  stade  thar  all  night 
And  the  next  morning  which  was  the  8  was  a  beautyful  one  and 
the  Yankees  was  alanding  at  West  Point  and  about  8  o  'clock  we 
was  marched  down  to  the  intended  battle  field  And  from  that 
time  untell  12  oclock  we  was  a  scurmishing  and  a  running  from 
one  place  to  another  hunting  the  scamps  And  in  the  eavning 
we  marched  back  in  the  woods  and  stade  thar  untell  about  12 
oclock  in  the  night  And  then  marched  about  a  mile  futher  back 
And  stad  thar  all  night  And  then  as  soon  as  day  broke  we  started 
on  our  march  again  And  about  3  oclock  in  the  eavning  we  got 
to  West  Point  coathouse  whar  we  found  General  Johnston  and 
all  of  his  men  And  then  we  marched  about  2  miles  futher  and 
stop  for  the  night 

And  the  9  day  we  rested  untell  about  12  oclock  and  then 
started  out  on  our  march  again  and  befour  we  had  gone  a  mile 
we  hird  that  our  Cavalry  was  attacked  by  the  Yankees     And 


20  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

then  we  had  to  stop  and  wate  a  while  but  we  whipt  them  like  we, 
aulways  do  And  then  we  marched  on  but  dident  git  but  3  miles 
that  day  And  the  10  day  we  dident  march  but  about  a  mile  for 
we  was  expecting  the  Scamps  to  attack  us  but  they  did  not 

The  11  day  which  was  the  second  Sunday  in  May  was  a 
beautyfull  day  indeed  And  we  rested  all  day  And  the  Rev- 
erant  Mr.  Stewart  from  Alexander  preached  to  us  again  today 

The  12  day  we  still  stade  in  camp  and  Mr.  Fossett  preached 
for  us  today.  And  his  text  was  in  the  first  of  Timothy  2  chapter 
and  8  virse 

The  13  day  was  clear  and  warm 

The  14  cloudy  and  a  raining 

The  15  raney  And  we  left  Camp.  Eoad  today  about  12 
oclock  and  marched  on  toward  Richmond 

And  the  16  we  marched 

And  the  17  we  got  to  our  camp  clost  to  Richmond 

The  26  day  of  May  was  a  nice  one  but  about  12  oclock  in  the 
night  it  comenced  raining  very  hard  And  about  1  oclock  we 
was  rousted  up  and  did  expect  to  attack  the  Yankees  about  day 
but  it  rained  so  hard  we  did  not  go 

And  the  27  day  it  rained  till  about  10  oclock  and  then  cleard 
off  And  about  3  oclock  in  the  eavning  the  fight  comenced  down 
about  Hanover  Coathouse  we  surposed  but  we  was  not  cauld  out 
And  I  was  promoted  today  to  fourth  Corporel 

The  28  day  was  clear  and  about  a  hour  befour  the  sun  set  we 
left  our  camp  And  march  all  night  down  toward  Hanover 
Coathouse  And  we  past  in  about  three  hundred  yards  of  the 
Yankeys  pickets  And  then  we  stopt  and  rested  about  3  hours 
And  about  8  oclock  the  next  day  we  started  back  and  went  about 
5  or  6  miles  and  stopt  for  the  night 

And  the  next  day  we  went  back  in  about  a  mile  and  a  half  of 
Richmond  and  staid  thar  all  night 

And  the  next  morning  which  was  the  30  we  left  and  marched 
down  toward  Chickahominy  And  about  three  oclock  in  the 
eavning  we  was  led  in  to  the  Battel  field  by  Colonel  Pender 
And  we  had  a  wright  nice  time  of  it  from  then  tell  dark 

And  the  next  morning  which  Was  the  first  day  of  June  the 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  21 

fight  comenced  a  little  before  the  sun  rose  And  we  was  plast 
(placed)  in  a  line  of  Battel  And  was  expecting  to  go  in  to  it 
evry  minuet  but  we  staid  there  all  day  and  was  not  cauld  on ; 
General  Longstreet  divishion  don  the  most  of  the  fighting  on 
Sunday  And  from  that  time  till  the  11th  we  stade  in  the  Swamp 
down  on  Chickahoininy  River 

And  the  11  day  we  left  Chickahominy  And  went  to  Rich- 
mond and  taken  the  cars  and  went  to  the  Junction  that  night 

And  the  next  morning  we  left  thar  And  about  a  hour  befour 
the  sun  set  we  arived  at  Linchburg 

And  the  12  day  we  stade  at  Linchburg 

And  the  13  day  we  got  on  the  cars  about  dark  and  the  next 
morning  we  found  our  relief  at  Sharlottsvill  (Charlottesville) 
which  was  about  75  miles  from  Linchburg  And  we  chainged 
cars  at  that  plase  And  the  14  day  we  traveld  threw  the  Moun- 
tins  And  about  too  hours  befour  the  sun  set  we  got  to  the 
little  town  cauld  Staunton  And  we  stade  ther  tell  the  18  And 
the  18  which  was  just  twelve  months  from  the  time  I  taken  the 
oath  we  left  Staunton  And  marched  about  15  miles  wright 
back  the  railroad  the  way  we  came  down  And  stade  all  night 
at  a  little  town  cauld  Wainsborough  (Waynesboro)  clost  to  the 
Turnel 

And  the  next  morning  we  eroust  over  the  Blew  ridg  and 
marched  to  Mitchiners  River  And  staid  thar  all  night  And 
the  next  morning  which  was  the  20  we  taken  the  cars  at  Mitch- 
iners River  and  road  up  to  Sharlottsvill  And  then  taken  a 
railroad  thar  that  went  to  Gordnesvill  And  we  got  to  Gordnes- 
vill  about  2  oclock  in  the  eavning  and  we  taken  the  Richmond 
Railroad  thar  And  road  about  25  miles  toward  Richmond 
at  a  station  cauld  Frederickshall    And  thar  we  got  off 

The  21  we  stade  at  Frederickshall 

And  also  the  22  we  stade  thar 

And  the  23  we  started  out  again  on  our  march  and  marched 
all  day  long  threw  the  hot  sun  and  dust  for  it  was  very  hot  and 
dusty  the  23  but  it  raind  that  night. 

And  the  next  day  (which  was  the  24)  we  still  continued  our 
rout  and  when  we  stopt  for  night  we  was  in  6  miles  of  Ashland 


22  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

And  the  25  we  travield  all  day  long  and  at  night  we  campt 
a  mile  west  of  Ashland 

And  the  26  Ave  travield  sloley  down  the  Chickahominy  River 
driving  in  the  pickets  as  we  went 

And  the  27  we  still  went  on  and  about  3  oclock  in  the  eavning 
we  come  up  with  the  main  body  of  the  Yankees  (at  Cold  Harbor) 
and  attacked  them  And  from  that  time  untell  dark  we  had  a 
wright  warm  time  of  it  But  we  whipt  them  And  in  our  com- 
pany A.  Burk  was  kild  and  A.  Tucker  and  Page  was  slitley 
wounded 

And  the  28  we  marched  about  a  mile  the  other  side  of  the 
battle  field  and  stade  thar  all  day, 

And  the  29  we  stade  at  the  same  place  And  about  2  oclock 
in  the  eavning  we  had  orders  to  fall  in  to  march  but  we  did  not 
go  And  as  we  was  stacking  our  amies  again  one  of  Captain 
Tates  men  shot  another  one  threw  the  thigh  but  it  was  don 
axidentley 

And  the  30  we  was  rousted  up  about  too  oclock  in  the  night 
and  about  day  break  we  started  out  again  And  crost  the 
Chickahominy  River  and  marched  untell  we  came  to  the  York 
river  Railroad  8  miles  below  Richmond  And  then  we  taken 
down  the  Railroad  and  about  2  hours  befour  sunset  we  come  to 
a  little  creak  whar  the  Yankees  had  burnt  the  bridg  And  left 
sum  of  thir  peases  thar  to  bumb  us  so  we  couldent  build  the 
bridge  untell  they  could  get  thir  armey  futher  along,  And  we 
never  got  the  bridge  built  untell  next  morning  about  a  half  of 
a  hour  by  sun 

The  Month  of  July  1862  (Also  August  to  December) 

And  the  next  morning  whitch  was  the  first  day  of  July  just 
twelve  months  from  the  time  I  left  home  we  crost  over  and 
about  10  oclock  we  overtaken  the  scamps  again  And  they 
comenced  throwing  bumbs  amung  us  And  we  aiming  them 
And  thar  was  a  very  heavey  canonading  cept  up  all  day  And 
a  little  befour  night  the  pickets  comenced  fyring  And  from 
that  time  untell  about  a  hour  in  the  night  thar  was  very  hard 
fiting  don  indeed     And  a  great  meney  kild  and  wounded  on. 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  23 

boath  sids  in  our  company  M.  Miles  L.  Smith,  B.  Murphey,  I. 
Calmond,  G.  Lyons    And  my  self  was  all  hurt 

And  the  next  day  which  was  the  second  was  a  very  rany 
day  indeed  And  our  Regiment  moved  back  in  the  woods  a  peas 
and  stade  thar  all  day 

And  the  next  day  we  marched  back  about  three  miles  toward 
Richmond  and  stopt  for  the  night 

And  the  4  day  we  marched  down  on  James  River  about  25 
miles  from  Richmond 

And  the  5  we  stade  at  the  same  plase  untell  sun  down  And 
then  our  Regiment  had  to  go  on  picket  And  we  marched  down 
in  about  a  mile  of  the  Yankees  and  sent  out  our  detail 

And  also  the  6  day  we  was  on  picket  at  the  same  plase 

And  the  7  day  we  was  releaved  about  twelve  oclock  And 
then  we  marched  back  about  a  mile  in  the  woods 

And  the  8  we  stade  thar  untell  about  4  oclock  in  the  eavning 
And  then  we  started  out  for  Richmond  And  we  marched  untell 
about  10  oclock  in  the  night  and  we  got  as  far  as  White  Oak 
Swamp  which  was  about  10  miles  from  the  plase  whar  we 
started 

And  the  9  day  we  started  again  about  4  oclock  and  we  got  in 
about  3  miles  of  Richmond  And  then  we  moved  up  in  about  a 
mile  and  a  half  of  Richmond  and  taken  up  camp  and  the  11  we 
got  sum  flages  and  put  them  up  And  Mr.  I.  H.  Compton  ar- 
rived at  our  camp  today  on  a  viset 

And  the  12  day  we  still  stade  in  camp  And  also  the  13  we 
stade  in  camp  and  Mr.  I.  H.  Compton  left  our  camps  today  for 
home  for  him.  And  we  still  staid  at  Richmond  untell  the  7  of 
August  And  then  we  left  thar  And  marched  about  four  miles 
toward  Ashland  And  when  we  stopt  it  was  dark  And  then  our 
company  had  to  go  about  5y2  miles  futher  to  stand  picket  and 
it  was  12  oclock  in  the  knight  when  we  got  to  the  plase  whar  we 
we  was  to  stand : 

And  the  next  morning  we  was  releived  and  we  had  to  go 
back  to  our  Regiment  again  : 

And  the  9  day  we  started  out  again  about  four  oclock  in  the 
eavning  and  marched  untell  about  one  oclock  in  the  knight 


24  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

And  when  we  stopt  we  was  about  thre  miles  beyond  Ashland 
which  was  about  15  miles  from  the  plase  whar  we  started  from 

And  the  10  day  we  started  again  about  4  oclock  and  we  went 
as  far  as  Hanover  Junction  which  was  about  6  miles 

And  the  11  day  we  started  in  the  morning  and  marched  about 
5  miles  down  clost  to  a  little  river  and  stopt  again  to  take  up 
camp 

And  the  14  day  our  Regt  left  thar  and  marched  up  toward 
Gordensvill  And  I  was  not  able  to  go  with  them  so  they  ex- 
cused me  and  started  me  back  to  the  Hospital  clost  to  Richmond 
And  we  had  to  walk  to  Hanover  Junction  which  was  about  4 
miles  And  we  had  to  stay  thar  all  next  day  for  we  could  not 
get  eny  cars  to  tak  us  eney  futher 

And  the  16  day  we  got  on  the  cars  about  8  oclock  and  got  to 
the  Hospital  about  11  And  then  I  staid  at  the  Hospital  untell 
the  2  day  of  September  And  then  I  taken  the  cars  at  Rich- 
mond and  got  as  far  as  Gordensvill  the  first  day 

And  the  3  day  we  rode  on  the  cars  as  far  as  Rapadan  River 
and  Bridg  was  burnt  thar  and  then  we  had  to  walk  from  thar 
to  our  Regiment  And  it  was  115  miles  to  Winchester  And  35 
from  thar  to  the  Reg.  but  we  left  Rapadan  the  4  day  and  walked 
up  the  railroad  to  Culpeper  Coathouse  which  was  12  miles  from 
Rapadan  River 

And  the  5  day  we  taken  the  turnpike  road  and  marched  as 
far  as  "Warrenton  Springs  which  was  18  miles  from  Culpeper 

And  the  6  day  we  got  to  Warrenton  about  12  oclock  which 
was  7  miles  from  AVarrenton  Springs  And  by  nite  we  got  to  a 
littel  Town  by  the  name  of  Baultimore  And  it  was  5  miles  from 
Warrenton 

And  the  7  day  we  got  to  a  littel  town  by  the  name  of  Hay- 
market  about  12  oclock  And  we  dident  get  but  about  4  miles 
futher  that  day  for  we  had  to  stop  to  get  sompthing  to  eat 

And  the  8  day  we  got  as  far  as  Aldie  and  it  was  about  15 
miles  from  Haymarket 

And  the  9  day  we  got  to  Leasburg  and  it  was  about  12  miles 
from  Aldie 

And  the  10  day  we  past  threw  a  littel  town  by  the  name  of 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  25 

Hamelton  and  it  was  about  5  miles  west  of  Leasburg  And  the 
11  day  we  got  to  Snigerville  about  nite  and  it  was  10  miles  from 
Hamilton. 

And  the  12  day  we  crost  over  the  Blew  ridge  in  the  morning 
and  about  10  oclock  we  crost  Shandal  River  and  it  was  about  4 
miles  from  Snigersville  And  by  nite  we  got  to  Berrysville  and 
it  was  5y2  miles  from  Shanandoah 

And  the  13  day  we  got  to  Windchester  and  it  was  about  10 
miles  from  Berryville 

And  then  we  stade  at  "Windchester  untell  the  16  and  then  we 
started  to  Harpersferry  and  we  got  as  far  as  Berryville  the  first 
day  and  then  taken  the  left  hand  road  and  got  as  far  as  Charles- 
town  the  17  day 

A^  iX>p  :-n  day  we  crost  the  Potomac  at  bliepaius  town  abunL 
nite  and  it  ...  *.*.  .^  ^  -j.±wville 

And  the  19  day  we  crost  back  again  and  got  as  far  as  Charles- 
town  by  night  and  the  20  day  we  got  to  Berryville  again 

And  the  21  we  travaild  untell  we  got  in  4  miles  of  Windches- 
ter and  then  taken  the  wright  hand  road  to  go  to  Martinsburg 
and  we  past  by  the  Burnt  Factory  and  got  as  far  as  Jordons 
Sulphur  Springs  by  night. 

And  the  22  day  we  got  to  a  littel  town  by  the  name  of  Buck- 
town  and  the  23  day  we  got  to  our  Reg.  and  it  was  clost  to 
Martinsburg  and  Martinsburg  was  about  22  miles  from  Wind- 
chester 

And  then  the  27  the  Regiment  left  thar  and  marched  in  five 
miles  of  Windchester 

The  22  of  October  was  cool  and  very  windy  indeed  and  the 
23  was  clear  and  cool  and  we  had  a  General  revew 

And  the  24  we  left  our  old  camp  and  marched  about  a  mile 
near  to  Windchester  to  pease  of  woods  and  taken  camps  in  them 
again 

And  the  28  we  left  thar  for  Culpeper  and  got  as  far  as 
Shanadoah  River  the  first  day 

And  the  30  day  the  fields  was  white  with  froust  and  about 
sun  up  we  waded  the  River  at  Front  Royal  and  by  night  we  got 
as  far  as  a  littel  town  by  the  name  of  Flint  Hill 


26  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

And  the  31  day  we  marched  all  day  and  got  in  five  miles  of 
Culpeper  by  nite 

And  the  first  day  of  November  we  got  to  Culpeper 

And  the  second  day  which  was  the  sabath  I  went  to  meating 
at  Culpeper  And  the  preachers  text  was  in  St :  John  16  chapter 
7.8.9.10  and  11  virses 

And  the  3  day  we  marched  over  to  the  old  battel  field  at 
Sedar  Run  which  was  about  3  miles  from  Culpeper  and  stopt 
again  for  camp 

And  the  7  day  it  snowed 

And  the  8  day  the  Second  and  11  Myssissippians  left  our 
Bregaid  and  the  54  and  57  N.  C.  taken  thir  plases 

And  the  9  day  was  a  very  cool  day 

And  the  10  day  was  a  pritty  one  indeed  and  thar  was  r„  very 
hevy  canonading  cept  up  all  „  $  .  a&  .,.—  ^ween  Culpeper 
and  "Windchester  and  we  had  orders  to  cook  rashions  and  ex- 
pected to  be  cauld  on  evry  minnet  but  was  not 

And  the  18  day  we  left  Culpeper  for  Fredericks  and  the 
first  day  we  was  as  far  as  Rapidan  River  by  nite  and  we  marched 
all  day  threw  the  rain  and  mud  the  20  and  also  the  21  and  the 
22  we  got  to  Fredericks  about  12  o'clock 

And  the  5  day  of  December  it  raind  all  day  and  about  night 
it  comenced  snowing  and  snowed  untell  it  was  about  a  inch  and 
a  half  deep  on  the  ground  And  the  6  day  and  7  was  very  cool 
indeed 

And  the  11  day  the  too  signerl  guns  was  fyerd  just  befour 
day  and  we  was  run  out  in  a  line  of  battel  and  kept  so  all  day 
and  the  Yankees  crost  over  the  River  that  day 

And  the  12  day  we  was  marched  around  to  the  left  of  our 
armey  and  was  expecting  to  have  to  fight  every  minnet  but  did 
not  for  thar  was  no  fiting  don  except  the  pickets  and  canonading 

And  the  13  we  was  marched  back  to  the  wright  and  laid  in  a 
line  of  battel  all  day  under  the  Yankees  shells  but  non  of  ous 
got  hurt 

And  that  nite  we  was  sent  to  the  front  on  picket  and  laid 
clost  to  the  enemey  all  nite  and  went  marching  about  day  we 
comenced  fyring  at  them  and  cept  it  up  all  day  and  there  was 
about  15  kild  and  wounded  in  our  Rea;t :  but  non  kild  in  our 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  27 

Company,  B.  Richmond  and  P.  S.  Donahan  was  slightly 
wounded  and  that  nite  we  marched  back  in  the  woods  And  we 
staid  thar  all  day  the  next  day  and  at  nite  we  had  to  bild  ous 
sum  brest  works 

And  the  next  morning  which  was  the  16  General  Hood  came 
riding  up  and  said  well  Boys  you  all  did  such  great  works  hear 
last  nite  that  you  scard  the  Yankees  on  the  other  side  of  the  river 
but  we  staid  thar  all  day 

And  the  next  morning  which  was  the  17  we  marched  back 
to  our  old  camps 

And  the  24  day  was  cool  and  cloudy  and  it  was  wash  day 
with  me. 

And  the  25  which  was  Christmas  morning  was  foggy  but  soon 
cleard  off  and  was  a  pritty  day  but  I  dident  have  nothing  to  drink 
nor  no  young  ladies  to  talk  too  so  I  seen  but  little  fun 

And  the  26  was  a  warm  cloudy  day  and  me  and  M.  "Walker 
went  to  the  depot 

And  the  27  we  and  Lewis  Smith  went  back  to  the  Depot  and 
after  nite  I  went  to  the  show  to  see  the  Monkey. 

And  the  28  day  was  clear  and  warm  and  Preacher  Miller  of 
Company  .C.  preached  for  ous  in  the  evening  and  his  text  was 
in  126  Psalms  and  third  virse  the  Text  was  this  The  Lord  hath 
done  great  things  for  us :  Whereof  we  are  glad : 

And  the  29  day  was  a  prity  warm  sunshiney  day  And  I  was 
on  divishion  gard  at  General  Hoods  headquarters 

And  the  30  day  was  warm  and  cloudy  but  no  rain 

And  the  31  day  which  was  the  last  day  of  1862  was  cool  and 
cloudy  and  our  Regiment  had  muster  inspection  in  the  day  and 
at  nite  our  Company  had  to  go  on  picket  gard  down  the  bank  of 
the  Rapahanok  River  whar  we  was  in  about  a  hundred  yards  of 
the  Yankees  pickets  they  was  on  one  side  of  the  river  and  we 
was  on  the  other  we  was  in  talken  distence  but  our  officer  would 
not  alow  ous  to  talk  they  would  cum  down  on  the  bank  and 
hollow  to  ous  and  say  if  we  would  bring  the  boat  over  that  they 
would  come  over  on  our  side  and  have  a  talk.  So  that  was  the 
last  of  our  works  for  the  year  1862. 

Bartlett  Y.  Malone 

Co.  H.  6th  N.  C.  Regiment 


THIS  IS  FOR  THE  YEAR  1863 


The  Month  of  January 

The  first  day  of  January  was  a  pritty  day  and  our  Company 
was  on  picket  down  on  the  Rapahanock  River  about  a  mile  and 
a  half  below  Fredericksburg  Va. 

And  the  2  day  was  also  a  nice  one 

And  also  the  3  was  a  pritty  day 

And  the  4  day  was  a  pritty  warm  day  and  we  all  was  on 
Bregaid  inspection  the  4th. 

And  the  5  day  was  warm  and  looked  like  the  spring  of  the 
year  and  we  was  all  on  Bregaid  Drill  the  5  day  down  on  the 
old  Battel  field. 

And  the  6  day  was  cloudj^  and  raind  a  littel 

And  the  7  day  was  clear  and  cool  and  we  all  was  in  General 
Revew 

And  the  8  day  was  cloudy  and  cool 

And  the  9  day  was  clear  and  cool  and  we  all  was  on  Divishion 
revew  again    General  Hood  was  our  revewing  Officer 

And  the  10  day  was  cloudy  and  raind  all  day  long 

And  the  11  was  cloudy  and  cool 

And  the  12  day  was  a  pritty  day 

And  also  the  13 

And  the  14  was  warm  and  cloudy  and  we  built  a  chimly  to 
our  tent  today 

And  the  15  day  was  warm  but  very  winday  and  R.  H.  Wells 
started  home  this  morning  on  a  furlogh 

And  the  16  day  was  a  very  pritty  warm  day  and  we  had 
orders  to  cook  too  days  rations  we  was  expecting  the  Yankees 
to  cross  the  River  again  but  they  did  not 

And  the  17  day  was  clear  but  very  col  indedd : 

And  the  18  was  cool 

And  the  19  was  warm  and  I  was  on  gard 

And  the  20  was  cloudy  and  cool 

And  the  21  was  a  very  cool  and  raney  day, 

And  also  the  22  day  was  raney  and  very  cool. 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  29 

And  the  23  day  was  cloudy  in  the  morning  and  cleared  off 
warm  about  an  hour  befour  the  sun  set 

And  the  24  day  was  warm  and  cloudy  and  the  old  Brady 
6th  and  54  and  56  N.  C.  Regt  was  transferrd  from  the  old  3 
bregaid  which  was  comanded  by  General  Law  (E.  M.  Law)  to 
the  7  Bregaid  which  was  comanded  by  General  Hoik  (R.  F. 
Hoke). 

And  the  25  day  was  cloudy  and  raind  a  littel  in  the  morn- 
ing about  12  olclock  and  we  got  to  General  Hoik  (Hoke)  Bre- 
gaid about  11  oclock  which  was  15  miles  from  General  Lows 
(Law's)  Bregaid  whar  we  started  from : 

And  the  26  day  was  warm  and  cloud}" 

And  the  27  was  a  very  raney  day  indeed 

And  when  I  got  up  the  morning  of  the  28  it  was  a  snowing 
and  it  snowed  all  day  long 

And  the  29  day  was  clear  and  cool  and  the  snow  was  about 
10  inches  deep  on  the  ground 

And  the  30th  was  clear  and  cool 

And  the  31  was  pritty  and  Mr.  Mitchel  Johnston  and  Mr. 
John  Evans  arrived  at  our  camp  today  on  a  visit. 

The  Month  of  February  1863 

The  first  day  of  February  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  pritty 
spring  day 

And  the  2  day  was  cloudy  and  raind  in  the  morning  but 
clear  and  very  windy  in  the  eavning 

And  the  4  day  was  cloudy  cool  and  windy 

And  the  5  day  it  Snowed  in  the  morning  and  raind  in  the 
eavning 

And  the  6  day  was  raney 

And  the  7  clear  and  warm 

And  the  8  day  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  beautyfull  spring 
like  day 

And  the  9  was  also  prity  and 

And  the  10th  day  was  snowing  and  also  the  11  was 

And  the  12th  was  a  pretty  warm  day. 

The  the  13  was  clear  and  cool. 


30  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

And  the  14th  was  cool  and  clear. 

And  the  15  was  warm 

And  the  16  was  warm  and  clear 

And  the  17  was  a  snowey  day  and  we  all  had  to  go  on  picket 
down  at  Port  Koyal. 

And  the  18th  it  raind  all  day  long  and  the  snow  nearly  all 
melted  of  by  nite  and  we  still  stade  on  picket 

And  the  19th  was  cloudy  but  no  rain  and  we  returned  to 
our  Regiment 

And  the  20  was  warm  and  clear 

The  21  was  warm  and  clear 

The  22  was  a  very  bad  day  it  snowed  and  the  wind  blew  all 
day  and  at  nite  the  snow  was  about  a  foot  deep. 

And  the  23  day  was  warm  and  clear  but  the  snow  dident 
melt  no  great  deal 

And  the  24  was  warm  and  General  Stokes  Bregaid  and 
General  Lautons  (Lawton?)  had  a  snow  ballen 

And  the  25  was  a  warm  sunshiney  day 

And  the  26  was  a  raney  day  and  nearley  all  of  the  snow  was 
gone  by  nite. 

And  the  27  was  warm  and  cloudy  and  our  Brass  Ban  got 
back  from  Richmond. 

And  the  28  which  was  the  last  day  of  February  was  coal 
and  cloudy.  And  Mr.  Portland  Baley  of  Company  D.  6th  Regi- 
ment N.  C.  Troops  was  shot  to  death  to  day  at  2  oclock  with 
musketry. 

Now  the  dark  days  of  winter  is  gon  And  the  bright  days  of 
Spring  is  come. 

B.  Y.  Malone. 
The  Month  of  March. 

The  first  day  of  March  was  coal  and  raney  in  the  morning 
and  in  the  eavning  it  was  clear  and  very  windy  And  the  2  day 
was  a  beautyfull  Spring  day. 

And  the  3  day  was  a  beautyfull  one  and  our  Regiment  left 
the  old  camp  clost  to  Port  Royal  and  marched  back  clost  to 
Fredericksburg  and  taken  camp  again  clos  to  the  one  we  left 

The  16  day  of  March  was  cloudy  and  coal    And  Mr.  Stons 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  31 

in  Co.  F.  57  N.  C.  Regiment  was  shot  to  death  to  day  with 
musketry. 

The  17th  of  March  the  Yanks  crossed  the  Raphanock  River 
at  Keleys  foad  and  our  calvry  whipt  them  back. 

And  the  20  was  cloudy  in  the  morning  and  snowed  alittel  in 
the  eavning  and  Mr.  I.  H.  Compton  arived  at  our  camp  today 
on  a  visit  And  the  21  it  Snowed  untell  it  was  about  3  inches 
deep  on  the  ground 

And  the  22  the  snow  all  melted  off  And  Mr.  Compton  and 
Johnston  left  camp  today  for  home. 

The  last  day  of  March  the  Snow  was  about  3  inches  deep  on 
the  ground. 

The  Month  of  April  (May  and  June) 

The  4  day  April  was  cloudy  and  coal  in  the  day  and  after 
nite  it  comenced  Snowing  And  the  morning  of  the  5  the  Snow 
was  about  3  inches  deep  on  the  ground  and  five  companys  of 
our  Regt  had  to  go  on  picket  down  on  the  Raphanock  River 

And  the  6  day  was  clear  and  warm  and  the  snow  nearly  all 
melted  of  by  nite  and  we  still  staid  on  picket  and  the  7  day 
we  retired  to  our  camps. 

The  18  day  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  beautyfull  Spring 
day  and  General  Jackson s  preacher  preached  in  our  camps  and 
his  text  was  in  Hebrews  3  chapter  and  part  of  the  7  and  8  virses 
the  words  was  this :  To  day  if  ye  will  hear  his  voice  harden 
not  your  harts. 

The  23  day  was  raney  and  we  had  orders  about  nite  to  cook 
too  days  rations  thar  was  sum  few  Yankees  crossed  over  the 
river  at  Port  Royal  and  taken  a  wagon  or  too  from  our  men 
but  they  soon  went  back  and  our  Regt  dident  have  to  leave  the 
camp 

The  26  day  of  April  which  was  the  Sabath  was  a  beaiuyfull 
day  And  I  went  to  meating  at  General  Jackson  Headquarters 
And  the  Preacher  taken  part  of  the  16th  chapter  of  Luke  coru- 
mencen  at  the  18  virse  for  the  foundation  of  what  remarks  he 
made  And  in  the  eavning  we  had  preachen  in  our  Regiment 
from  a  preacher  in  the  18th  Virginia  Regiment.    And  his  text 


32  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

was  in  Proverbs  18th  chapter  and  the  later  clause  of  the  24th 
virse  which  reads  thus:  Ther  is  a  friend  that  sticketh  closter 
than  a  brother : 

The  morning  of  the  28  befour  I  got  up  I  herd  a  horse  come 
threw  the  camp  in  a  full  lope  and  it  was  not  meney  minutes 
untell  the  man  come  back  and  sais  Boys  you  had  better  get  up 
we  will  have  a  fight  hear  to  reckly  and  I  comenced  geting  up 
and  befour  I  got  my  close  on  they  comenced  beating  the  long 
roal  and  it  was  not  but  a  minnet  or  too  untill  I  herd  the  Adger- 
tent  hollow  fall  in  with  armes  the  Reg :  then  was  formed  and 
marched  to  the  Battel  field  the  Yankies  comenced  crossing  the 
river  befour  day  and  by  day  they  had  right  smart  force  over 
the  pickets  fought  sum  on  the  29  and  a  good  deel  of  canonading 
was  don  and  it  raind  sum  in  the  eavning 

The  morning  of  the  30th  it  was  a  railing  and  evry  thing  was 
very  still  untill  about  twelve  oclock  it  ceased  raning  about  ten 
o'clock  they  comenced  cannonading  and  cept  it  up  untill  dark 

The  first  morning  of  May  63  our  Regiment  had  to  go  in 
front  on  picket  it  was  very  foggy  in  the  morning  but  soon  got 
clear  as  soon  as  the  fog  was  off  we  found  the  Yankees  had  a  very 
strong  line  of  Scirmishers  in  about  5  hundred  yards  of  ours  we 
cood  see  a  great  meney  Yankees  on  the  other  side  of  the  river 
but  we  couldent  tell  how  meney  was  on  this  side  we  could  hear 
very  hevy  canonading  up  the  river  in  the  eavning  It  is  repoted 
that  our  men  and  the  Yankees  was  a  f yting  at  Keleys  Foad : 

The  2  day  of  May  was  a  very  pritty  day  and  our  Regiment 
was  relieved  from  picket  about  day  and  fell  back  to  our  brest 
works  again  our  men  fyerd  on  the  Yankies  from  too  Batterys 
about  10  o'clock  and  the  Yankies  returned  the  fyer  from  one 
Battery  it  was  kept  up  about  a  hour  but  no  damedge  don  as  I 
have  herd  of    we  can  still  hear  them  a  fyting  at  Keley's  Foad 

And  about  5  o'clock  in  the  eavning  we  could  see  the  Yankees 
a  marchen  up  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  by  regiments  and 
most  all  went  back  from  on  this  Side  of  the  river  and  General 
Earley  thought  that  they  was  all  a  going  back  and  taken  all  of 
his  men  but  a  Louisiana  Bregaid  and  started  to  reinforce  Gen- 
eral Lea    And  about  the  time  we  had  gone  6  miles  they  come 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  33 

orders  that  the  Yankees  was  atvancen  again  whar  we  had  left 
And  then  we  had  to  turn  back  and  march  all  the  way  back  about 
10  o'clock  in  the  nite.  And  the  nest  morning  which  was  the  3 
day  our  men  comenced  Burning  (bombing)  the  Yankees  and 
they  returned  the  fyer  and  ther  was  right  smart  canonading 
and  picketing  don  untell  about  12  o  'clock  and  then  for  sum  cause 
we  was  all  ordered  to  fall  back  about  a  half  of  a  mile  to  our  last 
breast  works  but  as  soon  as  dark  come  we  marched  about  2  miles 
up  the  River. 

And  the  next  day  which  was  the  4  we  was  marching  about 
first  from  one  plais  to  a  nother  a  watching  the  Yankees  untell 
about  a  hour  by  sun  and  the  fight  was  opend  our  Bregaid  went 
in  and  charged  about  a  half  of  a  mile  and  just  befour  we  got 
to  the  Yankee  Battery  I  was  slitley  wounded  above  the  eye  with 
a  peas  of  a  Bumb  non  was  kild  in  our  company.  Lieutenant 
"Walker  was  slitley  wounded  in  the  side.  I.  R.  Allred  was 
wounded  in  the  arm  hat  to  have  it  cut  off.  I.  E.  Calmond  was 
slitley  wounded  in  the  arm.  I.  L.  Evins  had  his  finger  shot  off — 
the  fift  day  we  found  the  Yankees  had  all  gon  back  on  the  other 
side  of  the  River  and  we  marched  back  down  to  the  old  camp 
ground  and  taken  up  camp  again 

The  10  day  of  May  which  was  the  second  Sunday  was  a  very 
pretty  day  and  I  went  to  headquarters  to  preaching  and  the 
preachers  text  was  in  Romans  the  8th  chap  and  28  virse  the 
words  was  this :  And  we  know  that  all  things  work  together 
for  good  to  them  that  love  God.  And  General  Jackson  died  to 
day  which  is  the  10th  day  of  May 

The  17  and  18  days  was  pritty  and  warm  and  our  Regiment 
was  on  picket  down  on  the  Raphanoc  and  the  18th  we  got 
back  to  the  camp : 

And  again  the  25th  we  had  to  go  on  picket  And  the  27  we 
got  back  about  12  oclock  and  in  a  few  minuets  after  we  got  back 
we  had  to  go  on  a  General  Revew  General  R.  E.  Lea  revewed 
General  Earleys  Divishion. 

The  last  day  of  May  we  had  marchen  orders  and  after  nite 
Mr.  Tassett  preached  in  our  Regt  his  text  was  in  St.  Johns  3 
chapt  &  16th  virse. 


34  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

The  4th  day  of  June  about  11  Oclock  in  the  nite  we  left  our 
old  camp  clost  to  Fredericksburg  and  marched  twar  Culpeper 
and  bout  6  O'clock  the  5th  day  we  got  to  Spotsylvaney  Coat- 
house  and  about  2  o'clock  in  the  eavning  we  stopt  for  to  camp 
for  the  nite  after  marchen  about  20  miles  that  day  And  the 
6th  day  we  stade  in  camp  untell  about  2  0  'clock  in  the  eavning 
for  General  Hils  core  was  a  fiting  at  Fredericksburg  the  Yankees 
crossed  ther  after  they  found  out  that  we  had  left  we  marched 
about  8  miles  the  6th  day  and  it  raind  on  ous  very  hard  befour 
we  taken  up  camp. 

And  the  7th  day  we  started  on  our  march  about  sun  up  and 
about  12  o'clock  we  waded  Rapadan  River  at  Rackoon  Foad 
and  about  4  O'clock  in  the  eavning  we  stopt  to  camp  again 
in  about  5  miles  of  Culpeper  Coathouse. 

The  8th  day  we  marched  up  to  Culpeper  and  stopt  to  cook 
Rations  The  8  day  we  staid  at  Culpeper  untell  about  3  0  'clock 
in  the  eavning  and  then  we  was  ordered  down  to  Brandy  Sta- 
tion about  4  miles  from  Culpeper  whar  the  Calvry  hat  bin 
fiting  all  day  and  we  staid  all  nite  and  the  next  morning  we 
found  that  the  Yankees  had  all  gon  back  on  the  other  Side  of 
the  River  and  we  marched  back  to  Culpeper  again  and  cooked 
another  days  rations  and  about  3  O'clock  in  the  eavning  we 
started  again  in  the  direction  of  Winchester  and  we  got  as  far 
as  Hasel  Run  (Hazel  Run  or  Deep  Run)  by  nite  And  the  next 
morning  which  was  the  11th  we  started  about  sun  up  and 
about  9  O'clock  we  got  to  a  littel  town  cauld  Woodwin  and 
whilst  we  was  a  passen  threw  the  6th  N.  C.  Brass  Ban  plaid  the 
Bonnie  Blew  Flag.  And  about  eleven  O'clock  we  got  to  a 
littel  town  cauld  Sperysvill  5  miles  from  Woodwin  And  about 
2  O'clock  in  the  eavning  we  past  threw  Washington  and  ther 
we  found  a  meney  pritty  and  kind  Ladies  they  had  water  all 
along  the  streets  for  the  Soldiers  to  drink  and  we  dident  go  but 
a  few  miles  futher  untell  we  stopt  for  the  nite  after  going  about 
20  miles  that  day. 

And  the  morning  of  the  12th  we  started  about  sun  up  and 
about  3  o'clock  in  the  eavning  we  crossed  over  the  Blew  Ridg 
and  past  threw  a  littel  town  cauld  Front  Royal  and  about  a 


The  Diary  of  Baetlett  Yancey  Malone  35 

mile  from  ther  we  waded  the  Slionadoak  River  and  taken  up 
camp  on  the  other  bank  that  nite. 

And  the  morning  of  the  13th  we  started  at  day  and  when 
we  got  in  12  miles  of  Winchester  we  found  that  the  Yankees 
was  at  New  Town  on  the  Pike  road  running  from  "Winchester  to 
Strawsburg  (Strasburg)  7  miles  from  Winchester  and  we  turnd 
and  went  by  ther  and  caught  up  with  the  Yankees  about  half 
way  from  ther  to  Winchester  and  attacked  them  and  drove  them 
back  about  a  mile  by  nite 

And  the  next  morning  which  was  the  11th  General  Hooks 
(Hoke)  Bregaid  and  General  Smith  and  Hoses  (?)  all  moved 
around  to  the  west  of  Winchester  and  taken  20  peases  of  artil- 
lery with  ous  and  when  we  got  opersit  the  Yankees  work  the 
artillery  taken  ther  position  and  about  3  o'clock  in  the  eavning 
our  Baterys  opend  on  them  taken  them  on  surprise  and  General 
Hares  (?)  and  General  Smith  Bregaid  charged  on  them  and 
taken  their  first  line  of  brest  works  befour  nite  And  General 
Johnstons  (Johnson)  Divishion  was  a  fiting  them  on  the  other 
Sid  clost  to  town 

And  the  next  morning  which  was  the  15th  the  Yankees  had 
left  their  works  and  was  a  trying  to  make  thir  escape  toward 
Martiixsburg  but  about  day  they  run  up  on  General  Johnstons 
divishion  about  5  miles  from  town  wher  three  Regt  of  them  was 
maid  to  stack  thir  armes  and  a  grate  meney  kild  and  wounded 
we  then  marched  down  to  whar  Johnston  fought  them  that 
morning  and  stopt  and  staid  ther  all  day 

And  the  next  morning  about  10  o  'clock  our  Regt  was  marched 
back  to  Winchester  for  Provost  gard  and  about  a  hour  befour 
sun  down  I  was  sent  to  Taylor's  Hotell  with  10  men  to  gard  the 
Yankees  Prisoners  And  I  staid  ther  the  next  day  and  also 
the  next 

And  the  next  morning  which  was  the  18th  I  was  relievd 
about  9  O'clock  and  started  after  my  Regiment  and  about  3 
o  'clock  in  the  eavning  we  got  to  Smithfield  and  by  nite  we  got  to 
a  littel  plais  cauld  Leas  Town  which  was  22  miles  from  Win- 
chester and  we  staid  ther  all  nite  and  the  next  morning  we  over- 


36  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

taken  our  Regiment  about  five  miles  from  ther  wher  we  staid 
all  day 

And  the  next  day  we  staid  ther 

And  the  22th  we  taken  up  a  line  of  march  again  about  day 
and  about  7  o'clock  we  past  threw  Shepardstown  and  ther 
waded  the  Potomae  and  landed  in  Maryland  about  8  oclock 
And  about  3  miles  from  ther  we  past  threw  Sharpsburg  And 
about  3  miles  from  ther  we  past  threw  Ketersvill  And  about  3 
miles  from  ther  we  past  threw  Boonesboro  and  about  3  miles 
from  ther  we  stopt  to  camp. 

The  23  we  left  about  day  and  when  we  had  gon  about  4 
miles  we  come  to  Beversvill  and  about  7  miles  from  ther  we 
past  threw  Coverstown  And  about  a  mile  from  ther  we  past 
threw  Smithburg  whar  we  found  a  good  meney  Secesh  And 
about  2  miles  from  ther  we  got  to  a  littel  town  cauld  Ringgoal 
wright  war  the  line  run  between  M.  D.  &  Pa.  And  about  2 
miles  from  ther  we  stopt  to  camp  and  cook  rations  closs  to 
Wainsboro. 

The  morning  of  the  24  we  left  about  7  oclock  and  after 
marching  about  5  miles  we  come  to  a  town  cauld  Quincy  And 
about  3  miles  from  ther  we  past  threw  Funktown  and  about  4 
miles  from  ther  we  got  to  Greenswood  whar  we  taken  up  camp 
for  the  nite  but  our  company  had  to  go  on  gard  at  a  town  cauld 
Faytvill  about  2  miles  off. 

The  morning  of  the  25th  I  got  a  Splendid  breakfast  in  Fayt- 
ville  And  about  2  Oclock  in  the  eavning  we  was  releaved  and 
went  back  to  the  Regt : 

And  the  next  morning  which  was  the  26th  we  had  orders  to 
leave  at  day  break  but  it  was  a  raning  so  hard  we  dident  leave 
untell  about  8  oclock  and  it  dident  Still  sease  raning  but  raind 
all  day  but  we  got  as  far  as  Momenburg  by  nite  which  was  14 
miles  from  wher  we  left  in  the  morning  And  our  Calvery  taken 
a  135  prisners  clost  to  the  lettel  town 

The  27  we  left  about  6  oclock  and  after  marching  about  6 
miles  we  come  to  a  town  cauld  Hunterstown  And  about  4  miles 
from  ther  we  got  to  New  Chester     And  3  miles  from  ther  we 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  37 

got  to  Hampton  And  3  miles  from  ther  we  got  to  Berlin  wher 
we  taken  camp  for  the  nite 

The  28th  we  left  at  sun  up  and  about  12  oclock  we  got  to 
Yolk  which  was  12  miles  from  Berlin : 

The  29th  we  stade  at  Yolk  in  the  Yankees  Hospital. 

The  30th  we  left  at  day  break  and  taken  the  same  road  back 
that  we  com  And  about  12  oclock  we  got  back  to  Berlin  again 
And  when  we  stopt  for  nite  we  was  about    20  miles  from  Yolk : 

The  Month  of  July 

The  first  morning  of  July  we  left  earley  and  about  12  oclock 
we  got  to  Gatersburg  (Gettysburg)  which  was  about  10  miles 
from  wher  we  started  in  the  morning  And  when  we  got  there 
we  found  the  Yankies  was  ther  And  in  a  few  minutes  after 
we  got  ther  we  was  ordered  to  the  f  eal  Our  Bregaid  and  Gen- 
eral Haser  (Hays)  charged  the  enemy  and  soon  got  them  routed 
and  run  them  threw  the  town  and  then  we  stopt 

In  our  Company  George  Lyon  Marshal  AValker  and  Thomas 
Richard  got  kild  And  Sidney  Hensby  Anderson  Plesant  D.  A. 
Walker  Garababel  Grimstead  William  Dunervant  &  Bedford 
Sawyers  was  wounded 

The  2  clay  we  laid  in  a  line  of  battel  at  the  Same  plais  And 
the  enemies  picket  a  firing  on  us  all  clay  Thomas  Miles  kild  on 
picket  Shot  in  the  head  And  about  Sun  down  our  Bregaid  and 
Hoser  was  ordered  to  charge  just  in  frund  and  take  the  enemes 
Batterys  we  charged  and  succeeded  in  driven  the  infantry  from 
behind  two  stone  fences  and  got  part  of  the  Batterys  But  it 
was  soon  so  dark  and  so  much  smoke  that  we  couldent  see  what 
we  was  a  doing  And  the  enemy  got  to  geather  again  and  we 
had  no  reinforcement  and  we  had  to  fall  back  to  our  old  posi- 
tion Colonel  I.  E.  Avry  (Avery)  was  kild  in  the  charge  in  our 
company  non  kild  Andrew  Thompson  Franklin  Wells  and  R. 
Y.  Vaughn  was  wounded  And  Michagels  Miles  mis  en 

The  3  morning  we  went  back  in  town  and  laid  in  a  line  of 
battel  all  day  in  the  Streets  And  ther  was  a  great  deel  of  fiting 
don  that  day  but  our  Divishion  was  not  cauld  on 


38  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

The  nex  morning  about  a  hour  befour  day  we  went  back 
about  a  mile  from  town  and  staid  ther  all  day 

The  morning  of  the  5  we  left  befour  day  and  it  a  raining  as 
hard  as  it  could  poor  and  marched  in  the  direction  of  Hagerds- 
town  and  didnt  get  but  about  6  miles  all  day  for  the  Yanks 
calvry  kep  a  running  up  on  ous  all  day 

And  the  6th  we  left  at  day  and  about  2  oclock  we  got  to 
Wainsboro  and  we  past  threw  town  and  then  stopt  to  cook 
rations 

The  7th  we  taken  the  road  to  Hagerdstown  which  was  10 
miles  from  Wainsboro  And  about  2  oclock  in  the  eavning  we 
got  ther  and  taken  up  camp 

The  8th  day  it  raind  very  hard  and  we  still  stade  at  the 
same  plais  the  8  we  staid  ther  and  the  10  we  staid  at  the  same 
place  until  about  a  hour  by  sun  And  then  started  and  past 
threw  town  and  went  about  a  mile  toward  Williamsport  and 
stopt  and  staid  all  nite 

The  11th  we  taken  our  position  in  a  peas  of  woods  and  after 
nite  built  brest  works 

The  12th  we  staid  behind  our  works  and  no  fiting  don  except 
sum  picketing  And  after  nite  we  was  ordered  to  the  wright 
And  was  marched  down  in  rear  of  A.  P.  Hills  old  Divishion 

The  13th  we  staid  ther  untill  dark  and  then  started  to  re- 
treet  back  across  the  Potomac  And  it  was  about  6  miles  to  the 
river  and  it  was  a  railing  very  hard  And  we  was  a  moving  all 
nite  and  the  next  morning  about  sun  up  we  waded  the  Potomac 
at  "Williamsport  and  it  was  waist  deep  And  then  we  marched 
about  6  miles  and  stopt  to  cook  rations 

The  15th  we  marched  about  7  miles  and  stopt  at  nite  clost 
to  Martinsburg  And  the  16th  we  marched  up  to  Darksvill  and 
stopt  again  And  we  still  staid  at  Darksvill  untell  about  a  hour 
by  sun  and  marched  to  the  Alagater  mountain  by  10  Oclock  in 
the  nite : 

The  21  we  left  at  day  break  and  crost  the  mountain  And 
marched  as  far  as  Hedgersvill  by  2  Oclock  in  the  eavning  which 
was  25  miles  we  expected  to  bag  the  Yankees  at  plais  but  when 
we  got  ther  they  was  all  gon ; 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  39 

The  22th  we  left  Hedgersvill  and  inarched  back  to  Bunker- 
hill  whitch  was  18  miles. 

The  23  we  marched  and  about  10  oclock  we  marched  threw 
Winchester  and  taken  the  road  to  Culpeper  and  marched  about 

5  miles  and  stopt  for  the  nite : 

The  24th  we  marched  near  the  Shanadoah  River  and  found 
that  the  Yankees  had  got  possession  of  the  gap  in  the  Blew 
Ridg 

And  then  we  taken  the  write  and  come  in  to  the  Winchester 
and  Stanton  Road  at  Middeltown  5  miles  from  Strawsburg  and 
we  stopt  at  nite  clost  to  Strawsburg  which  was  23  miles  from 
wher  we  started  at  in  the  morning 

The  25th  we  marched  all  day  toward  Stanton  and  travild 
about  18  miles  and  stopt  clost  to  Edensburg : 

The  26th  we  past  threw  Hawkenstown  and  2  miles  from  ther 
we  come  to  Mount  Jackson  and  we  marched  as  far  as  New 
Market  and  stopt  fer  the  nite 

The  27th  we  left  the  Stanton  road  and  taken  a  road  that  led 
to  Gordensvill :  we  crost  over  the  Shanadoah  mountian  and  crost 
the  Shanadoah  river  on  Pontoon  Bridges  and  when  we  stopt  at 
nite  we  was  at  the  foot  of  the  Blew  Ridg  which  was  18  miles  from 
Newmarket 

The  28th  we  crost  over  the  Blew  Ridg  which  was  11  miles 
across  it 

The  29th  we  marched  up  to  Maderson  coathouse  whitch  was 

6  miles  and  stopt  and  taken  up  camp 

The  30  we  staid  at  the  same  plais 

The  31st  we  left  at  one  Oclock  and  marched  down  between 
Culpeper  and  Gordensvill 

A  list  of  Co.  H. 
Sargants. 


1  Johnston  I.  H. 

1  Hester  N.  W. 

2  Rudd  A.  P. 

5  Malone  B.  Y. 

3  Bauldin  W.  H. 

Corporel 

1  Murrie  W.  W. 

3  Walker  M.  H. 

2  Biele  C. 

4  Tompson  A.  J, 

40 


James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 


Privat 

1  Aldridg  I.  H. 

35 

Miles  J.  S. 

2  Anderson  Q.  T. 

36 

Moore  A. 

3  Aired  J.  B. 

37 

Malone  H. 

4  Bivins  M 

38 

Murrey  T 

5  Brinceneld  A.  J. 

39 

Mckinnie  Murphy  B.  P 

6  Brankin  I 

40 

Mosey  J.  W. 

7  Bos  well  T 

41 

Oliver  J.  S. 

8  Cooper  W.  H. 

42 

Olver  T 

9  Covington  I.  E. 

43 

Plesant  A.  M. 

10  Compton  I.  B. 

44 

Page  F. 

11  Colmond  J.  E. 

45 

Roberson  J. 

12  Cape  T.  H. 

46 

Rudd  E. 

13  Chatham  C 

47 

Richmond  W. 

14  Donoho  S. 

48 

Richmond  T. 

15  Dunervant  I. 

49 

Rigan  N. 

16  Dnnervant  W. 

50 

Simpson  F. 

17  Evins  T.  H. 

51 

Swift  R. 

18  Enoch  R.  H. 

52 

Smith  L. 

19  Fauller  I 

53 

Swift  H.  A. 

20  Fitch  G.  S. 

54 

Stadler  G. 

21  Grimsteard  G. 

55 

Subfield  R. 

22  Hensley  S 

56 

Snips  J.  C. 

23  Hensley  A 

57 

Tucker  A. 

24  Huges  W.  A. 

58 

Vaughn  R,  Y. 

25  Hooper  N 

59 

Williams  J.  W. 

26  Johnston  I.  H. 

60 

Williams  J.  R. 

27  Kersey  L. 

61  Walker  John 

28  King  S 

62 

Walker  W.  S. 

29  Lyon  G. 

63 

Walker  J.  H. 

30  Lyon  I.  H. 

64  Walker  D.  A. 

31  Loyd  I.  W. 

65 

Walker  W.  T. 

32  Lewis  C. 

66  Wells  M. 

33  Miles  M. 

67 

Wells  W.  F. 

34  Miles  T.  C. 

68  Wren  W. 

The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Maloxe  41 

Bartlett  Y.  Malones,  Book 
This  the  19th  of  Nov.  1863 

Bartlett.  Y.  Malones  Book 
This  is  the  18th  of  Dec.  1863 

Bartlett.  Y.  Malone  Seg't.  of  Co:  H. 

6th  N.  C.  Regiment 

This  the  22cl  of  Dec.  1863 

And  we  staid  in  camp  clost  to  Rappidan  Station  untell  the 
11th  of  Sept.  63.  And  the  morning  of  the  14th  we  was  rousted 
up  and  gave  orders  to  cook  one  days  rations.  And  about  sun 
up  we  started  to  meat  our  enemy  and  we  met  them  at  Sumers- 
vill  foad  on  the  Rappidan  River  which  was  about  5  miles  from 
our  old  camps.  We  had  not  bin  there  long  untell  our  enemy 
comenced  throwing  bumbs  aiming  us  but  as  soon  as  our  Bat- 
terys  got  position  and  fired  a  few  shots  the  yanks  all  left  the 
field.  And  the  loth  we  laid  in  the  woods  all  day.  Xo  fiting 
don  but  some  canonacling  and  picketing  but  at  dark  our  Reg't 
went  on  picket  down  at  the  foad.  The  16th  as  soon  as  lite  our 
men  comenced  firing  at  the  Yanks  and  they  at  us  and  kept  it 
up  all  day  about  10  o'clock  in  the  clay  Capt.  Pray  of  Co.  D  & 
Lieut  Brown  of  Co.  E  and  18  men  voluntierd  and  went  up  the 
river  and  crost  in  a  littel  Boat  and  Slipt  up  to  some  old  houses 
and  fierd  at  the  Yanks  &  run  about  200  of  them  out  of  their 
works  and  captured  a  horse  severl  good  Guns  Blankets  another 
trick  and  then  crost  back  and  never  got  a  man  hirt.  They  kild 
4  or  5  of  the  Yanks  &  wounded  4  which  they  taken  prisners. 
We  got  4  wounded  in  our  Reg't.  dewing  the  day.  At  nite  we 
was  relieved  by  the  57th  N.  C.  Reg't.  The  17th  no  fiting  don 
except  a  few  picket  shots  evry  now  an  then  at  the  foad. 

Evry  thing  was  cpriet  then  untell  the  5th  day  of  Oct.  63. 
And  the  5th  day  of  Oct.  about  tenn  Oclock  we  was  ordered  to 
fall  in  at  a  moment  and  then  marched  to  our  post  and  taken 
our  position  in  a  line  of  battel.  And  we  remaind  so  untell  nite 
and  then  was  marched  back  to  our  camps  again.     The  Yanks 


42  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

could  be  seen  mooving  about  from  a  hight  on  our  side  of  the 
river.  Our  Generals  surposed  that  they  was  agoing  to  make 
an  ef ert  to  cross.  But  they  did  not :  they  was  onley  moving 
camps:  All  was  quiert  then  untell  the  8th.  The  8th  day  we 
left  our  camps  about  dark  and  marched  about  2  miles  and  stopt 
and  staid  all  nite.  The  9th  day  we  marched  up  to  Orange  C.  H. 
by  12  o'clock:  then  taken  the  road  to  Maderson  C.  H.  (Madison) 
marched  6  or  7  miles  and  stop  for  nite  again. 

The  10th  we  got  to  Maderson  by  4  o  'clock  in  the  eavning  and 
crost  Roberson  River  at  3  and  then  marched  about  4  miles  futher 
toward  Culpeper  and  stopt  for  nite  our  Cavalry  had  a  littel  fite 
in  the  eavning  at  the  River  taken  about  one  hundred  prisners. 
The  11th  we  marched  toward  Culpeper  and  got  in  6  miles  and 
stopt  and  cooked  3  days  rations,  it  was  20  miles  from  Maderson 
C.  H.  to  Culpeper  C.  H. 

The  12th  we  had  orders  to  leave  at  2  o  'clock :  A.  M.  but  did 
not  leave  untell  day  we  marched  on  then  untell  we  was  in  2 
miles  of  Culpeper.  And  then  taken  the  left  and  came  in  the 
Warrenton  road  at  Pickersvill  And  there  we  waded  Haselrun 
and  marched  on  to  the  Rappahannock  River  and  campt  clost  to 
Warrenton  Spring.  The  13th  we  marched  up  to  Warrenton 
and  stopt  and  cooked  2  days  rations :  The  14th  we  left  for 
Bristol  but  had  to  drive  our  enemey  befour  us  our  Cavalry  was 
fiting  them  allday  and  some  times  the  Infantry,  our  Divishion 
don  a  great  deal  of  hard  marchen  had  to  dubbelquick  nearly 
one  third  of  our  time.  A.  P.  Hill  Corps  overtaken  the  Yanks 
at  Bristol  Station  and  had  a  littel  fite :  we  did  not  get  ther  in 
time  to  be  ingaged 

The  15th  the  Yanks  had  all  fell  back  to  Sentervill  (Center- 
ville)  we  did  not  go  eney  further  our  Cavalry  folerd  them  and 
taken  severl  Prisners. 

The  16th  we  tore  up  the  Railroad 

The  17th  we  staid  in  camp  clost  to  Bristol  Station. 

The  18th  we  left  at  3  o'clock  in  the  nite  for  Rappahannock 
and  got  as  far  as  Beattoe  Station  by  nite. 

The  18th  we  marched  to  the  Rappahannock  and  crost  and 
went  in  camps  between  the  river  and  Brandy  Station 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  43 

The  28th  our  Reg't  went  on  picket  on  the  Rappahannock 
The  29th  we  was  relieved 
The  30th  we  had  bregaid  drill 
The  31st  had  muster  inspection 

The  Month  of  November  (and  December) 

The  5th  day  of  Nov.  General  Lea  &  Governer  Letcher  of  Va. 
revewed  General  Stuart  Cavalry  clost  to  oar  camps 

The  6th  we  was  paid  off  And  paid  up  to  the  first  day  of 
November,  1863. 

The  7th  about  2  o  'clock  in  the  eavning  orders  came  to  fall  in 
with  armes  in  a  moment  that  the  enemy  was  atvancen.  Then 
we  was  doubbelquicked  down  to  the  river  (which  was  about  5 
miles)  and  crost  and  formed  a  line  of  battel  in  our  works  and 
the  yanks  was  playing  on  ous  with  thir  Artillery  &  thir  skir- 
mishers a  fyring  into  ous  as  we  formed  fyring  was  kept  up 
then  with  the  Skirmishers  untell  dark.  And  about  dark  the 
yanks  charged  on  the  Louisianna  Bregaid  which  was  clost  to 
the  Bridg  and  broke  thir  lines  and  got  to  the  Bridge  we  was 
then  cutoff  and  had  to  Surender:  was  then  taken  back  to  the 
rear  and  staid  thir  untell  next  morning  The  morning  of  the  8th 
we  was  marched  back  to  Warrenton  Junction  and  got  on  the 
cars  and  about  day  next  morning  we  got  to  "Washington  we 
then  staid  in  Washington  untel  3  o'clock  in  the  eavning  of  the 
8th  then  was  marched  down  to  the  Warf  and  put  on  the  Sterner 
John  Brooks  and  got  to  Point  Lookout  about  one  0  'clock  on  the 
eavning  of  the  10th  day  of  November  1863.  The  names  of  the 
men  that  was  taken  prisner  when  I  was  belonging  to  Co.  H.  was 
Capt.  Lea  Lieut.  Hill  W.  H.  Bowldin  N.  W.  Hester  W.  W. 
Murrie  C.  Rile  H.  Malone  I.  R.  Aldridge  L.  T.  Anderson  A.  I. 
Brincefield  I.  E.  Covington  T.  Y.  Compton  I.  C.  Chatham  T.  H. 
Evans  G.  R.  Grimstead  W.  A.  Hughs  N.  Hooper  H.  Kersey 
A.  More  W.  D.  Richmond  F.  Simpson  R.  Swift  L.  Sawers  H. 
Roscoe  A.  Tucker  John  Walker  W.  S.  Walker  W.  F.  Wells  1. 
Wren  S.  Hensley  And  Segt.  A.  P.  Rudd 

Our  rations  at  Point  Lookout  was  5  crackers  and  a  cup  of 
coffee  for  Breakfast.    And  for  dinner  a  small  ration  of  meat  2 


44  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

crackers  three  Potatoes  and  a  cup  of  Soup.  Supper  we  have  non. 
We  pay  a  dollar  for  8  crackers  or  a  chew  of  tobacco  for  a 
cracker. 

A  Yankey  shot  one  of  our  men  the  other  day  wounded  him 
in  the  head  shot  him  for  peepen  threw  the  cracks  of  the  planken 

The  last  day  of  November  was  very  coal  indeed  and  the 
Yanks  had  inspection  of  ous  Rebels.  One  of  the  Yankee  Sen- 
tinerls  shot  one  of  our  men  the  other  morning  he  was  shot  in 
the  head  :  soon  died. 

All  the  wood  we  get  to  burn  at  Point  Lookout  is  one  sholder 
tirn  of  pine  brush  every  other  day  for  a  tent  16  men  to  every 
tent 

The  16th  of  Dec.  63  a  Yankey  Captain  shot  his  Pistel  among 
our  men  and  wounded  5  of  them;  sence  one  has  died — he  shot 
them  for  crowding  arond  the  gate.  The  captain's  name  that  shot 
was  Sids.  Him  and  Captain  Patison  and  Segt.  Finegan  was 
the  3  boss  men  of  the  prisoners  camp. 

The  24th  of  Dec.  63  was  a  clear  day  but  very  cool.  And 
Generl  Butler  the  Yankey  beast  revewed  the  prisners  camp : 

The  25th  was  Christmas  day  and  it  was  clear  and  cool  and  I 
was  boath  coal  and  hungry  all  day  onley  got  a  peace  of  Bread 
and  a  cup  of  coffee  for  Breakfast  and  a  small  Slice  of  Meat 
and  a  cup  of  Soup  and  five  Crackers  for  Dinner  and  Supper 
I  had  non : 

The  26th  was  clear  and  cool  and  dull  for  Christmas 

The  28th  was  cloudy  and  rained  a  littel  The  28th  was  a 
raney  day. 

The  29th  was  cloudy  in  the  morning  and  clear  in  the  eav- 
ning.  And  Jeferson  Walker  died  in  the  morning  he  belonged 
to  the  57th  N.  C.  Regt.    The  30th  was  a  beautyfull  day. 

The  31st  which  was  the  last  day  of  63  was  a  raney  day. 
And  maby  I  will  never  live  to  see  the  last  day  of  64.  And 
thairfour  I  will  try  and  do  better  than  I  have.  For  what  is  a 
man  profited  if  he  shal  gain  the  whole  world  and  loose  his 
one  Soul :    Or  what  Shal  one  give  in  exchange  for  his  Soul : 

B.  Y.  Malone. 


B.  Y.  MALONE'S  BOOK 

FOR  THE  YEAR  1864 


I  spent  the  first  day  of  January  64  at  Point  Lookout  M.  D. 
The  morning  was  plesant  but  toward  eavning  the  air  changed 
and  the  nite  was  very  coal,  was  so  coal  that  five  of  our  men 
froze  to  death  befour  morning.  We  all  suffered  a  great  deal 
with  coal  and  hunger  too  of  our  men  was  so  hungry  to  day  that 
they  caught  a  Rat  and  cooked  him  and  eat  it.  Thir  names  was 
Sergt.  N.  "W.  Hester  &  I.  C.  Covington. 

The  6th  was  coal  and  cloudy  and  we  had  9  men  to  die  at  the 
Hospital  to  day.  Our  beds  at  this  plaice  is  composed  of  Sea 
feathers  that  is  we  geather  the  small  stones  from  the  Bay  and 
lye  on  them 

The  7th  was  very  cool  a  small  Snow  fell  after  nite 

The  10  was  a  nice  day  and  I  saw  the  man  to  day  that  makes 
Coffens  at  this  plaice  for  the  Rebels  and  he  sais  that  12  men 
dies  here  every  day  that  is  averidgs  12 

The  Commander  at  this  point  is  named  Marsto 

The  22th  day  of  January  64  was  a  very  pritty  day  And  it 
was  my  birth  day  which  maid  me  25  years  of  age  I  spent  the 
day  at  Point  Lookout.  M.  D.  And  I  feasted  on  Crackers  and 
Coffee    The  two  last  weeks  of  January  was  beautyfull  weather 

The  Month  of  February.  64  The  first  day  of  February  was 
warm  but  cloudy  and  Sum  rain : 

Be  content  with  such  things  as  you  have :  For  he  hath  said 
I  will  never  leave  the  nor  forsake  thee  So  we  may  boldly  say 
the  Lord  is  my  helper  and  I  will  not  fear  what  man  shall  do 
unto  me 

There  fell  a  Small  Snow  the  morning  of  the  third  Sergt. 
A.  P.  Rudd  &  Gidney  King  arived  at  Point  Lookout  from 
Washington  the  4th.  We  changed  Cook  houses  on  the  7th 
of  Feb. 

The  14th  of  Feb  was  a  pritty  day  And  the  Yankes  Sirched 
the  Prison  Camp  the  Rebels  was  all  sent  out  side  under  gard. 


46  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

And  then  they  sirched  and  taken  evry  mans  Blanket  that  had 
more  then  one.  And  taken  evry  other  little  trick  that  the 
Rebels  had.    They  found  too  Boats  that    the  Rebs  had  maid. 

375  Officers  arived  at  Point  Lookout  from  Jonstan  Isle  the 
14th  of  Feb.  The  Yankey  papers  say  that  they  are  having  a 
Gun  maid  that  weighs  115,000  lbs.  21  ft.  long  carries  a  Ball  that 
weighs  1000  Lbs  and  a  shell  that  weighs  700  lbs. 

The  17th  it  was  so  coal  that  we  all  had  to  lye  down  and  rap 
up  in  our  Blankets  to  keep  from  freazing  for  we  had  no  wood 
to  make  us  a  fire. 

The  18th  it  was  so  coal  that  a  mans  breath  would  freaze  on 
his  beard  going  from  the  Tent  to  the  Cookhouse.  O,  it  was  so 
coal  the  18th 

The  20th  was  pleasant  and  General  Butler  the  Beast  re- 
vewed  the  Prison  Camp  again  for  the  Second  time 

The  24th  was  a  beautyfull  day  And  too  of  the  Rebs  got 
kild  the  nite  of  the  24th  attempting  to  get  away :  We  was 
garded  at  Point  Lookout  by  the  second  fifth  and  twelfth  New- 
hampshire  Regiments  untell  the  25th  of  Feb :  And  then  the 
26th  N.  C.  Negro  Regiment  was  plaised  gard  over  ous 

A  Yankey  preacher  preached  to  the  Rebels  the  26th  day  of 
Feb :  1864 :  His  text  was  in  first  Corinthian  16  chap  and  22th 
virse  The  words  was  this :  If  any  man  love  not  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  let  him  be  Anathema  Maren  athas  That  is  let  him  be 
acursed  when  the  Lord  shal  come 

The  Month  of  March 

The  first  day  of  March  was  coal  and  raney :  And  our  Com- 
pany was  examined  on  the  Oath  question  evry  man  was  taken 
in  the  House  one  at  a  time  and  examioned :  the  questions  asked 
me  was  this :  Do  you  wish  to  take  the  Oath  and  join  the  U.  S. 
Armey  or  Navey :  or  work  at  govenment  work  or  on  Brestworks 
or  Do  you  wish  to  take  a  Parole  and  go  to  your  home  if  it  be 
insied  of  our  lines  or  do  you  wish  to  go  South  I  told  him  I 
wished  to  go  South :  He  then  asked  me  my  name  County 
State  Company  &  Regiment  The  2d  two  thousen  Rebels  left 
Point  Lookout  M.  D.  for  Dixie : 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  47 

The  3d  I  met  with  The  good  luck  of  geting  sum  Cloathing 
from  Dixie :    600  Rebels  left  for  Dixie  again  the  9th. 

Another  boat  load  of  Rebels  left  Point  Lookout  the  16th 
for  Dixie. 

250  Officers  arived  at  Point  Lookout  the  20th 

One  of  our  Rebel  officers  maid  me  a  present  of  a  dollar  in 
greenback  (the  21st)  he  stuch  it  threw  the  crack  of  the  planken 
to  me  without  being  asked 

The  20h  of  March  a  Yankey  Sergt :  named  Young  shot  one 
of  our  Officers  for  jawing  him : 

The  22d  was  very  coal  and  stormey  and  a  while  befour 
nite  it  comenced  snowing  and  snowed  all  nite :  the  snow  would 
avridge  3  inches  deep  the  next  morning : 

The  25th  I  went  to  the  cookhouse  for  a  cook : 

The  Month  of  April 

The  first  day  of  April  was  a  very  nice  day. 

The  5th  was  a  very  bad  day  it  raind  hard  snowed  and  the 
wind  blew  the  Bay  was  so  high  that  it  overflowed  part  of  the 
Camp.  Some  men  had  to  leave  thir  tents  and  moove  up  to  the 
Cook  house :  There  was  some  men  in  camp  who  had  been  going 
about  of  nits  and  cuting  tents  and  sliping  mens  Knapsacks  Hats 
Boots  and  Sumetimes,  would  get  Some  money  They  cut  into 
ours  and  got  money  and  cloathen  all  amounting  to  about  one 
hundred  dollars :  One  nite  the  Negros  was  on  gard  and  caught 
them  they  was  then  plaised  under  gard  and  made  ware  a  Barrel 
Shirt  (and  marched)  up  and  down  the  Streets  with  large  let- 
ters on  them  the  letters  was  this  Tent  Cutters 

The  12th  the  3d  Maryland  Negro  Regiment  was  plaisd  on 
gard  around  the  Prison  Camp :  When  the  Negrows  first  come 
on  gard  they  wore  thir  knapsacks  and  when  they  was  put  on 
poast  they  puled  them  off  and  laid  them  down  at  the  end  of 
thir  lines  And  Some  of  our  men  stole  too  of  them:  And  when 
the  Negro  found  it  was  gone  he  sais  to  the  next  one  on  post 
Efrum-  Efrum :  tell  that  other  Negrow  up  dar  that  the  white 
folks  has  stold  my  knapsack  a  redy :  The  other  one  sais  they 
have  stold  mine  too  but  I  want  caring  for  the  knapsack  all  I 


48  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

hate  about  it  is  loosing  Sophys  Garotipe  (daguerreotype?)  One 
day  too  of  them  was  on  poast  in  the  Streets  and  met  up  at  the 
end  of  thir  lines  and  comenced  fooling  with  thir  Guns  what 
they  cauld  plaing  bayonets  they  had  thir  guns  cocked  preseantly 
one  of  thir  guns  went  of  and  shot  the  other  one  threw  the  brest 
he  fell  dead :  the  other  one  sais :  Jim,  Jim  get  up  from  dar  you 
are  not  hurt  your  just  trying  to  fool  me  : 

The  nite  of  the  18th  a  negrow  Senternel  shot  one  of  our 
men  wounded  him  very  bad  threw  the  sholdier 

The  nite  of  the  21st  a  Negro  shot  in  a  tent  wounded  two  of 
our  men 

The  27th  a  load  of  Sick  Rebels  left  Point  Lookout  M.  D.  for 
Dixie. 

The  29th  a  nother  Neagro  kild  him  Self.  Shot  him  Self  in 
the  mouth  with  his  gun : 

The  Month  of  May  64 

The  3d  day  of  May  6  hundred  Rebels  left  this  plaice  for 
Dixie 

The  13th  about  one  hundred  prisnors  was  brought  to  this 
plaice  they  was  capturd  clost  to  Petersburg  Va. 

The  15th  40  prisnors  arived  at  this  point  captured  between 
Richmond  and  Petersburg  by  Gen.  Butlers  armey 

The  17th  about  one  thousin  Prisnors  arived  at  this  plaice 
was  captured  at  the  wilderness  The  17th  about  1000  was 
brought  in  from  General  Leas  armey 

The  18th  four  hundred  more  was  brought  in  the  camp 

The  24th  a  Neagro  Senternal  Shot  a  mung  our  men  kild  one 
and  wounded  three  it  is  thought  that  one  of  the  wounded  will 
die: 

The  28  four  hundred  more  prisnors  arived  here  We  have 
Pork  and  Been  Soop  to  day  for  dinner  Will  have  beef  and 
Coffee  to  morrow  I  believe  I  will  go  down  in  Camp,  but  the 
sun  is  very  hot 

The  Month  of  June  1864 

The  first  day  of  June  was  clear  and  hot 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  49 

The  4th  We  had  Beef  and  Potato  Soop  for  dinner  the  Yanks 
are  not  a  going  to  give  us  no  more  Coffee  and  Sugar  from  this  on 

The  8th  6  hundred  Prisnors  arived  at  this  point  from  Gen- 
eral Leas  Armey 

The  10th  we  have  Old  Bacon  to  day  for  dinner  for  the  first 
time  sience  we  have  bin  at  P.t.  Lookout 

The  11th  500  more  prisnors  arived  here. 

The  18th  of  June  which  was  three  years  from  the  time  I  vol- 
untierd  was  cloudy  and  cool.  And  we  had  Pork  and  Hominy 
for  dinner  There  is  some  talk  of  moving  the  Prisnors  from  this 
point  it  is  getting  to  be  very  sickley  here  11  men  died  at  the 
Hospital  yestiday  it  is  said  that  the  water  is  not  healthy 

It  is  reported  that  General  Grant  and  General  Lea  are  fiting 
on  the  South  of  the  James  River 

From  the  20th  of  June  untell  the  last  was  very  dry  and  dusty 
And  we  would  hear  good  news  evry  now  and  then  from  our 
Armey    Our  Rations  Still  remain  Small 

July  the  1st  1864 

The  first  day  of  July  1861  I  left  home  And  the  first  day  of 
July  1862  I  was  in  the  fight  of  Malvin  Hill  And  the  first  day 
of  July  1863  I  was  in  the  fight  at  Gettersburg  And  today  whitch 
is  the  first  day  of  July  1864  I  am  at  Point  Lookout  M.  d.  It  is 
very  plesant  to  day  We  had  pical  Pork  for  breakfast  this  morn- 
ing and  for  dinner  we  will  have  Been  Soop 

The  4th  day  of  July  was  a  beautyfull  day  And  the  Yanks 
had  thir  Vesels  riged  off  with  flags  they  had  about  34  flags  on 
each  Gun  Boat  about  12  O'clock  they  fierd  Saluts  boath  from 
thir  land  Batry  and  Gun  Boats. 

The  13th  day  of  July  13  of  our  men  died  at  the  Hospital 
And  it  was  repoted  that  General  Ewel  was  a  fiting  at  Washing- 
ton And  that  our  Cavalry  was  in  4  miles  of  this  plaice  the 
Yanks  was  hurried  up  sent  in  all  Detailes  at  2  O'clock  in  the 
eavning  and  run  thir  Artilry  out  in  frunt  of  the  Block  house 
and  plaised  it  in  position  The  14th  500  Rebels  taken  the  Oath 
and  went  outside 

The  last  day  of  July  was  the  Sabath 


50  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

No  man  is  bornd  without  folts 

Too  much  of  one  thing  is  good  for  nothin 

Cut  your  Coat  accorden  to  your  cloth 

All  are  not  Sants  who  go  to  Church 

All  are  not  theavs  that  dogs  bark  at 

Keep  your  mouth  shut  and  your  eyes  open 

A  clean  glove  often  hids  a  dirty  hand 

Seay  what  is  well  and  do  what  is  better 

He  that  will  steal  a  pin  will  steal  a  better  thing 

Fear  no  man  and  do  justice  to  all  men 

Evry  Cook  praises  his  own  stew 

Before  thou  marry  be  sure  of  a  house  wherein  to  tarry 

Evry  bodys  business  is  no  body's  business 

Do  what  you  ought  come  what  may 

Love  cover  meney  folts. 

The  race  is  not  always  to  the  swift  nor  the  battel  to  the  strong 

You  cannot  catch  old  birds  with  chaff. 

A  bad  workman  quarrels  with  his  tools 

B.  Y.  Malone 

B.  Y.  Malone  Owes        cts 
Q.  T.  Anderson        Paid 
A.  P.  Rudd  Paid 

T.  Y.  Compton     Paid 
Sergt  W.  T.  Johnson 
Sergt.  Laffoan 
Samuel  Mothers  head 
George  Anthony 

A  Puzzel 
There  is  a  thing  in  divers  of  countrys 
It  neither  is  land  nor  Sea 
It  in  all  sorts  of  timber 
And  not  in  eny  tree 
It  is  neither  in  Italy 
But  in  Rome 

It  appears  twist  in  evry  moment 
And  not  once  in  twenty  years 


The  Diary  op  Bartlett  Yancey  M alone  51 


Dew  B.  Y.  Malone 

Thomas  Murray 

$1.00 

John  Forast 

$1.00 

W.  A.  Hughs 

$1.00 

E.  W.  Rudd 

$1.00 

N.  W.  Hester       Paid 

$5.00 

W.  R.  Richmond      Paid 

$5.00 

T.  Y.  Compton        Paid 

$5.00 

W.  F.  Wells      Paid 

$5.00 

A.  I.  Brincfield        Paid 

$5.00 

L.  Kersey         Paid 

$5.00 

B.  Y.  Malone  Owes 

Q.  T.  Anderson        Paid 

$6.50 

A.  P.  Rudd        Paid 

$5.00 

Bartlett  Y.  Malone,  Soldier  of  Co.  H.  6th  N.  C.  Regiment. 

This  April  the  16th  64 
Point  Lookout,  M.  D. 

O,  that  mine  eyes  might  closed  be 
To  what  becomes  me  not  to  see 
That  deafness  might  possess  mine  ear 
To  what  concerns  me  not  to  hear. 

Mr.  Demill  &  Co., 

No.  186  Front  Street 
New  York  City, 

N.  Y. 
B.  Y.  Malones  Chirography. 

The  Month  of  August  1864 

The  first  day  of  August  was  clear  and  very  hot  And  700 
Rebels  left  here  for  Some  other  new  Prison  to  day  A  mung  them 
was  my  Brother  A.  A. 

The  2d  day  of  August  I  wrote  home 

The  6th  of  the  month  there  rose  a  thunder  cloud  early  in  the 


52  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

morning  and  raind  very  hard :  there  was  a  whirlwind  just  out  sid 
of  the  Prison  on  the  point  it  blew  the  Comasary  house  and  Shop 
down  and  seven  other  Buildings  it  distroyed  a  good  deal  wounded 
four  senternels  broak  ones  leg  There  was  but  littel  wind  inside 
of  the  Prison 

The  knight  of  the  7th  A  Neagro  Senternel  Shot  one  of  our 
men  and  kild  him  for  no  cause  attall 

The  28th  of  August  a  Senternel  shot  a  nother  one  of  our  men 
wounded  him  very  badly  it  is  thought  that  he  will  die 

The  two  last  days  of  August  cool  and  plesant 

The  Month  of  September 

The  firs  days  of  September  was  plesant  the  Knights  was  cool 
but  the  days  was  plesant 

The  2d  day  this  is  And  our  Rations  gets  no  better  we  get 
half  a  loaf  of  Bread  a  day  a  smal  slice  of  Pork  or  Beef  or  Sault 
Beef  for  Breakfast  for  Dinner  a  cup  of  Been  Soup  and  Supper 
we  get  non  Mr.  A.  Morgan  of  South  Carolina  has  a  vacon  Cook 
House  which  he  has  bin  teaching  School  in  evry  Sience  last 
Spring  he  is  a  Christian  man  he  preaches  evry  Sunday  and  has 
prayers  evry  morning  befour  School  we  have  a  Preacher  to  evry 
Division  in  the  Camp  Mr.  Carrol  preaches  to  our  Divi  which 
is  the  8th  This  is  the  5th  day  of  the  month  and  we  are  going  to 
have  Been  Soup  with  onions  in  it  to  day  for  dinner  we  will  have 
Potatoes  and  Onions  boath  to  morrow  the  Dr  had  them  sent  in 
here  for  rebs  to  se  if  they  would  not  stop  Scirvy  My  health  is 
very  good  to  day  which  is  the  6th  of  Sept.  64.  But  I  cannot  tell 
how  long  it  will  remain  so.  for  it  a  railing  and  very  coal  to  day 
Aand  I  have  not  got  eney  Shoes 

This  is  the  7th  and  a  pritty  day  it  is  and  I  am  laying  flat  on 
my  back  on  T.  Y.  Comptons  Bead  in  Co.  G  8th  Division  Point 
Lookout  M.  D. 

The  8th  was  a  beautyfull  day  And  I  had  my  Bunk  Seting 
out  by  the  Side  of  the  Cook  house  and  about  dark  I  wanted  to 
bring  it  in  as  I  had  bin  doing  but  the  Neagro  Sentinel  would  not 
let  me  cross  his  line  So  I  went  down  threw  the  house  and  asked 
a  nother  one  if  I  could  cross  his  line  and  get  my  Bunk  and  he 


The  Diaky  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  53 

Said  yes  so  I  cross  and  got  my  Bunk  and  the  first  Neagro  did 
not  see  me.  And  when  he  found  that  the  Bunk  was  gone  he  come 
to  the  house  door  and  wanted  to  know  where  that  man  was  that 
taken  that  Bunk  And  if  he  dident  bring  it  back  that  he  would 
come  in  there  and  Shoot  him  So  then  I  had  to  go  to  the  dor  and 
he  told  me  to  bring  that  Bead  back  So  I  taken  it  back  and  could 
not  get  it  any  more  untell  I  went  and  got  the  Lieut,  of  the 
Comisery  to  get  it  for  me  So  you  See  this  is  the  way  we  was 
treated  by  the  Neagrows.       B.  Y.  M. 

The  15th  of  Sept  was  a  beautyfull  day  And  a  general  Stir 
among  the  Rebs  the  Dr.  was  getting  up  a  load  of  Convalesant  men 
to  Send  to  Dixie.  You  could  See  men  going  to  the  Hospital  to  be 
examiond  Some  on  Cruches  and  Some  was  not  able  to  walk  and 
would  be  Swinging  a  round  others  necks  draging  a  long 

They  got  a  load  of  five  hundred  and  Sent  them  out  of  the 
Prison  we  Surpose  they  will  leave  the  15th  for  Dixie  The  19th 
received  a  Box  of  tobacco  from  my  Father  James  B.  Malone  who 
resides  in  Caswell  County  North  Carolina  The  21st  all  Prisnors 
belonging  to  the  Confederate  Staits  Navy  was  Parold  at  this 
place. 

This  Sunday  the  25th  of  September  and  it  is  very  coal 
I  wrote  home  to  day 

The  26th  800  Prisnors  arived  at  this  point  belonging  to 
Erleys  (Early)  Comand  captured  clost  to  "Winchester  The 
knight  of  26th  Some  one  stold  5.45  in  greenback  from  me 

The  27th  500  more  Prisnors  arived  here  from  the  same 
Comand 

The  28th  the  Yanks  brought  in  three  Negrows  that  they 
caught  helping  a  Lady  across  the  Potomac  Some  where  be- 
tween here  and  Washington  they  brought  them  here  and  put 
them  in  Prison  because  they  would  not  take  the  oath 

The  30th  I  wrote  to  Bro.  James 

October  1864 

The  first  day  of  October  was  cold  and  raney  day  The  3d 
800  Prisnors  arived  here  from  Early's  command  captured  at 
Fishers  Hill  Va.  among  them  was  James  M  Wells  of  Co  H  6th 
N.  C.  Re<?t 


54  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

The  4th  100  more  Prisnors  com  in  Ther  is  about  10,000  Pris- 
nors  here  at  this  time  last  Summer  ther  was  15,000  here  but 
Some  was  sent  to  Elmira  N.  Y. 

The  7th  was  fasting  and  prayer  day  with  ous  for  the  reliece 
of  all  Prisnors 

Today  is  the  8th  and  is  very  cold 

The  13th  was  very  cool  And  in  the  eavning  200  Rebs  taken 
the  Oath 

The  15th  I  Sold  the  last  of  my  Tobacco  the  Box  brought 
me  fifty  five  dollars  and  70  cts 

To  day  is  the  16th  And  a  beautyfull  Sabath  it  is :  the  Boys 
in  camp  are  all  in  a  line  wating  to  be  inspected  by  Major  A.  G. 
Brady  Provost  Marshall 

To  day  is  the  18th  and  Secretary  Stanton  has  just  past 
threw  the  Camp. 

The  21st  200  Rebels  arived  here  from  the  Valey  captured 
Severl  days  ago. 

The  24th  they  parold  Severl  Sick  men  Said  to  be  2000  to 
leave  in  a  few  days. 

The  25th  Some  more  prisnors  come  in  from  the  Valey  Said 
that  900  was  capturd  when  they  was 

The  29th  About  80  Rebs  arived  here  they  was  capturd  clost 
Petersburg  Old  Butler  kept  them  at  work  on  a  Pond  8  days 
under  the  fire  of  our  guns. 

The  31st  600  more  Rebs  arived  here  capturd  clost  to  Peters- 
burg 

November  1864 

The  first  of  November  was  pritty  weather. 

The  7th  whitch  was  just  twelve  months  from  the  time  I  was 
captured  was  a  raney  day. 

The  8th  was  election  day  for  president  Abraham  Lincoln  & 
George  B.  McClellan  was  candidates 

The  9th  was  warm  and  cloudy  and  our  Rations  ar  not  a 
good  as  they  was  a  year  ago :  And  I  See  no  chance  for  march- 
ing Soon. 

B.  Y.  Malone. 


The  Diary  of  Bartlett  Yancey  Malone  55 

The  18th  of  Nov.  was  a  cold  raney  clay  Our  men  are  not 
dying  here  like  they  have  bin  they  onley  avridge  about  too  a 
day  now    The  last  of  Nov.  was  pritty  warm  weather 

December  1864 

The  first  day  of  Dec  was  warm  as  Spring  And  the  Yanks 
comenced  building  some  littel  plank  houses  covered  with  clouth 
for  the  Kebs  to  stay  in 

The  3d  I  paid  10  cets  to  go  into  a  Concert  that  the  Rebs  had 
got  up  in  camp  it  was  a  very  good  thing  they  performed  in  a 
bacon  Cook-house. 

The  4th  which  was  the  Sabath  I  went  to  meating  at  the 
School  house  Mr.  Morgan  lectured  on  the  Parable  of  the  Sower 
&  in  the  eavning  I  was  at  the  Same  plaise  and  Mr.  Carol  preached 
a  good  Surmond  from  the  later  clause  of  the  2  virse  7  chapter 
of  Amos  :  Theas  was  the  words  :  By  whom  Shall  Jacob  arise : 
for  he  is  small.  After  preaching  was  over  the  Sunday  School 
classes  met  and  thir  teachers  taken  up  the  balance  of  the  day  in 
asking  them  questions  and  explaning  the  Scriptures  to  them 
We  have  white  gard  now  for  patroles  in  camp  of  knights  the 
Neagros  got  so  mean  that  the  General  would  not  alow  them  in 
Side  of  the  Prison  they  got  so  when  they  would  catch  any  of 
the  men  out  Side  of  thir  tents  after  taps  they  would  make  them 
doubble  quick  or  jump  on  thir  backs  and  ride  them  and  some 
times  they  would  make  them  get  down  on  this  knees  and  prey  to 
God  that  they  might  have  thir  freadom  and  that  his  Soul  might 
be  sent  to  hell 

To  day  is  the  15th  and  it  is  cold  looks  very  mutch  like  Snow 
we  have  had  very  coald  weather  for  the  last  week  we  get  Split 
Peas  now  to  make  Soups.  Some  day  we  get  Bacon  and  some 
days  Picle  Pork  and  fresh  Beef  once  a  week 

My  health  is  very  good  at  this  time  I  weigh  155  lbs  We 
have  comenced  drawing  wood  we  get  two  smawl  shoulder  turns  a 
day  to  a  Company    Each  Company  has  100  men 

The  21st  was  a  very  cold  raney  day  Brigadeer  General  Barnes 
in  comand  of  the  Point  A.  G.  Brady  is  Provost  Marchall  Capt 
Barnes  assistant  Prov. 


56  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

The  24th  was  a  beautyfull  day  I  chopt  wood  in  the  morning 
at  the  cookhouse  in  the  eavning  I  bought  3  apples  and  set  in  the 
Sun  Shine  by  the  Side  of  Sergt.  A.  P.  Rudd  tent  &  eat  them. 
And  then  my  Self  Q.  T.  Anderson  W.  W.  Murrie  &  W.  F.  Wells 
went  up  to  the  School  house  to  a  Debate  but  did  not  get  in  And 
then  we  went  back  to  the  Tent  and  found  T.  Y.  Compton  with  a 
newspaper  that  he  had  bought  and  we  spent  the  remainder  of 
the  day  in  reading  it. 

The  25th  was  Christmas  day  And  a  beautyfull  one  it  was. 
But  I  had  nothing  Strong  to  drink  and  but  little  to  eat  I  had 
Some  loaf  Bread  fryed  Meat  &  Corn  Coffee  for  breakfast  and 
for  dinner  I  had  a  cup  of  Split  Pea  Soup. 

In  the  eavning  I  went  to  the  School  house  to  meating  Mr. 
Carrol  preached  his  text  was  in  Zachariah  15th  chapt  7  virse 
After  preaching  I  went  to  the  Comisery  and  found  that  Mr. 
Walas  had  bet  Mr.  Barby  five  dollars  that  there  was  a  man  in 
Camp  that  could  eat  5  lbs  of  Bacon  and  3  Loafs  of  Bread  each 
loaf  weighing  2  lbs  at  one  meal.  When  I  left  he  had  onley  about 
14  of  a  pound  of  Bacon  and  a  half  of  a  loaf  of  bread  they  Said 
he  eat  it  all  bef our  he  quit.  This  man  belonged  to  the  11th  Ala : 
Regiment 

The  26th  was  a  raney  day 

.The  27  &  28  was  cloudy 

The  29th  was  cold  and  cloudy  &  Snowed  a  little  in  the  Eav- 
ning 

The  30th  was  cold 

The  31st  was  very  cold  and  Snowed  a  littel  evry  now  &  then 
threw  the  day. 


BARTLETT  Y.  MALONE'S  BOOK 

FOR  THE  YEAR  1865 


The  Month  of  January 

The  first  day  of  January  was  very  cold  &  the  grown  was 
coverd  with  Snow : 

The  2d  was  cold  and  cloudy 

The  3d  it  snowed  a  littel  in  the  eavning 

The  4th  was  very  cold  and  the  Snow  was  3  inches  deep 

The  5th  was  warm  and  cloudy 

The  6th  my  Self  A.  R.  Moore  James  R.  Aldridg  Nathaniel 
Hooper  &  T.  Y.  Compton  built  us  a  hous  out  of  cracker  Boxes 
the  house  coust  us  $8.80  cts  we  bought  a  stove  from  the  Sutlar 
the  Stove  coust  us  $8.00  the  Stove  and  house  totel  $16.80. 

The  15th  was  a  beautyful  Sabath  &  I  went  to  meating  & 
Mr.  Newman  preached  from  Psalms  8  ch.  4th  Virse 

The  17th  it  Snowed  in  the  morning  And  about  one  thousen 
old  men  &  littel  Boys  left  for  Dixie. 

The  21st  it  rained  and  Sleated  all  day  &  a  large  Dixie  mail 
came  in  one  hudred  &  Sixty  dollars  worth  of  Due  Letters : 

The  22d  was  cold  and  cloudy  &  it  was  my  birthday  whitch 
made  me  26  years  old.  And  about  600  prysnors  come  in  to  day 
captured  at  Foat  Fisher  The  men  that  came  in  Say  that  Gen- 
eral Whiten  &  Colonel  Lamb  was  captured  and  also  wounded 
After  knight  a  Neagrow  Sentnal  Shot  one  of  our  men  and 
kild  him. 

The  23d  a  large  Dixie  mail  come  in  I  got  2  letters  from  home 
&  one  from  Bro.  Jim. 

The  28th  was  clear  but  the  coldest  day  we  have  had  this 
winter  there  was  a  man  froze  to  death  in  the  5th  Division  after 
knight. 

The  29th  was  the  Sabath  I  went  to  meating  with  Mr.  Athy 
preached 

The  30th  &  31st  was  pritty  warm  days. 


58  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

February    1865 

The  first  of  Feb.  was  warm  And  500  Rebels  come  in  cap- 
tured clost  Atlanta  Ga. 

The  4th  all  men  belonging  to  Kentuckey  Missouri  Louisina 
Tennasee  &  Arkansas  was  cauld  to  go  to  Dixie. 

They  Still  cauld  on  the  5  &  6th. 

The  17th  all  prisnors  captured  at  Gettersburg  was  cauld  out. 

The  18th  the  Gettersburg  Prisnors  left  for  Dixie. 

The  21st  all  Prisnor  capturd  at  Rappahanoc  Station  was 
cauld  we  all  went  out  and  Signed  the  Parole  and  was  put  in 
the  Parole  Camp  and  staid  there  most  all  the  24th  then  we  was 
put  on  the  Steamer  George  Leary  we  got  to  Fortress  Monroe 
about  dark  And  then  run  as  far  as  Hampton  Roads  and  there 
we  staid  all  night  Started  next  morning  at  light  which  was 
the  25  got  to  Acorns  Landing  about  10  Oclock  which  was  about 
12  miles  from  Richmond  on  the  James  River  we  then  marched 
from  there  to  Camp  Lea  we  got  to  Camp  Lea  about  dark  "We 
then  Staid  at  Camp  Lea  untell  the  27  when  we  wen  over  to 
Camp  "Winder. 

March  1865 

The  2  day  of  March  I  got  my  Furlough  the  3  they  paid  me 
12  months  wages  which  was  237.00. 

"Went  down  to  Richmond  got  on  the  cars  about  6  O'clock  in 
the  Eavning 

The  4th  I  got  to  Barksdale  Depot  about  10  in  the  morning, 
got  off  at  Barksdale  marched  to  the  Road  house  by  dark  Eat 
Supper  with  Mr.  Hanrick  marched  on  2  miles  further  and  Staid 
all  night  with  Mr.  Moss.  Left  early  next  morning  which  was  the 
5th  eat  Breakfast  at  Mr.  Maxtons  got  home  about  1  O'clock  in 
the  Eavning.  B.  Y.  Malone. 

B.  Y.  Malone  was  borned  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1838  rased 
and  graduated  in  the  Corn  field  &  Tobacco  And  inlisted  in  the 
war  June  the  18th  1861  And  was  a  member  of  the  Caswell  Boys 
which  was  comanded  by  Capt  Mitchel  And  25  was  attatched 
to  the  6th  N.  C.  Regt.  which  was  comd  by  Coin  Fisher  who  got 
kiled  at  the  first  Manassas  fight  which  was  fought  Julv  the  21st 


The  Diary  of  Baetlett  Yancey  Malone  59 

1861.  They  was  comanded  by  "W.  D.  Pender  untell  the  Seven 
Pine  fight  which  was  fought  the  30th  day  of  May  62  Col.  Pender 
then  was  promoted  to  Brigadier  General  Then  Capt.  I.  E. 
Avry  of  Co.  E.  was  promoted  to  Lieut  Colonel  who  comanded 
untell  the  Battel  of  Gettysburg  where  he  was  kild  which  fought 
the  2d  day  of  July  1865. 

Major  R.  F.  Webb  was  then  promoted  to  Col.  who  comanded 
untell  we  was  done  at  the  Rapahanock  Bridg  the  7th  of  Nov. 
1863.  Our  Regt  when  was  captured  belonged  to  General  Hooks 
Brigard  Earlys  Division  Ewels  Corps  Leas  Arrriey. 

B.  Y.  Malone. 


THE  PROVINCIAL  AGENTS  OF 
NORTH  CAROLINA 

BY 
SAMUEL  JAMES  ERVIN,  JR. 


THE  PROVINCIAL  AGENTS  OF 
NORTH  CAROLINA 


A  great  obstacle  to  a  successful  and  peaceful  government  in 
North  Carolina  prior  to  the  year  1748  was  the  lack  of  a  medium 
in  England  through  which  the  representatives  of  the  people  in 
the  General  Assembly  could  make  known  to  the  Crown  and  to 
the  home  authorities  the  needs,  circumstances  and  desires  of 
their  constituents.  This  hindrance  could  be  removed  only  by 
the  appointment  of  an  agent  to  represent  and  transact  the  busi- 
ness of  the  province  at  the  various  government  boards  in  Eng- 
land. Colonel  Saunders  sums  up  the  duties  and  responsibilities 
of  such  an  agent  admirably  when  he  remarks : 

To  appreciate  the  importance  of  the  agent's  position  it  must 
be  remembered  that  the  Crown  had  the  right  to  pass  upon  all  the 
acts  of  the  Legislature,  and  to  repeal  or  "disallow"  such  as  might 
for  any  reason  seem  inexpedient.  The  proceedings  in  the  case 
were,  in  brief,  as  follows,  viz :  The  act  was,  in  the  first  instance, 
sent  by  the  Governor  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  America,  by  ■ 
whom  it  was  laid  before  the  Lords  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  by 
them  referred  to  the  Reporting  Counsel  to  the  Board,  to  consider 
and  report  whether  or  not  the  King  ought  to  be  advised  to  assent 
to  it.  In  practice,  the  fate  of  the  act  depended  very  much  upon 
the  report  of  the  Counsel,  who,  in  turn,  was  very  much  guided 
by  the  impressions  he  received  as  to  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  Provincial  Assembly  passed  the  act,  the  evils  it  was 
intended  to  remedy,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  intended  to 
operate.  All  these  things  the  agent,  from  his  knowledge  of 
affairs  in  the  Province,  would  be  able  to  explain  to  the  Counsel, 
and  in  many  ways  not  merely  prevent  unfavorable  misapprehen- 
sions on  the  part  of  the  Counsel,  but  to  lead  his  opinion  to  a 
report  favorable  to  the  wishes  of  the  Province.  With  the  report 
of  their  Counsel,  the  act  came  back  to  the  Board  of  Trade  where 
it  was  considered,  after  notifying  the  agent  to  attend  in  all  mat- 
ters of  consequence.  With  the  report  of  the  Board  of  Trade  the 
act  then  went  to  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council,  upon  whose 
final  report  its  fate  depended.  These  great  officers  also  sought 
their  information  in  the  premises  not  from  private  individuals, 
but  from  these  Provincial  Agents,  and  without  some  person  being 


64  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

in  England  in  that  capacity  in  behalf  of  a  Province,  its  affairs 
"slept."  Memorials,  addresses,  petitions  and  such  like  papers 
passed  through  his  hands.  Every  opening  for  the  encouragement 
of  the  trade  of  the  Province,  it  was  his  business  to  improve  it, 
and  equally  so  to  endeavor  to  obviate  any  scheme  that  might 
hurt  it,  and  hence  it  was  his  duty  to  keep  posted  as  to  the  inten- 
tions of  Government  and  of  Parliament,  all  of  which  involved 
much  labor  of  various  kinds  and  great  responsibility.  In  a  word, 
the  agent  was  to  the  colony  what  the  ambassador  was  to  a  foreign 
country.  Now,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  duties  of  the  agent, 
it  is  apparent  that  he  was  intended  to  be  the  representative  not 
of  the  Governor,  but  of  the  opposition,  so  that  the  authorities 
"at  home"  in  England  might  get  both  sides  of  the  questions 
presented  to  them.  Otherwise,  the  representations  made  by  the 
Governor  would  have  decided  matters.1 

The  first  proposal  that  an  agent  should  be  appointed  to  repre- 
sent North  Carolina  in  England  was  made  by  Governor  Burring- 
ton  in  a  speech  to  the  Assembly  in  April,  1731.  He  declared  that 
it  was  "absolutely  necessary"  to  select  an  agent  and  arrange  a 
regular  salary  for  carrying  on  the  public  affairs  of  the  province 
in  England.2  Shortly  afterwards  he  repeated  his  recommenda- 
tion.3 Burrington's  efforts,  however,  came  to  naught  and  seven- 
teen years  elapsed  before  the  step  was  finally  taken. 

In  October,  1748,  the  General  Assembly  passed  a  law  called 
"An  Act  to  appoint  an  Agent  to  solicit  the  Affairs  of  this  Pro- 
vince at  the  several  Boards  in  England."  James  Abercromby,  of 
London,  was  chosen  agent  for  a  term  of  two  years — from  March 
25,  1749,  to  March  25,  1751.  He  had  already  acted  in  this  capa- 
city, for  the  act  provides  that  "the  said  James  Abercromby,  Esq., 
in  consideration  of  his  trouble,  charges  and  expenses,  in  trans- 
acting the  public  business  of  this  Province,  as  agent,  to  this  time, 
and  until  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  March,  next  ensuing,  be  and  is 
hereby  allowed  the  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds,  sterling. ' '  This, 
however,  was  the  first  time  that  an  agent  was  officially  appointed 
to  act  during  a  fixed  term.  Abercromby  was  granted  a  salary  of 
50£,  sterling,  annually.  A  committee,  whose  duty  it  was  to  cor- 
respond with  and  direct  and  advise  the  agent,  was  also  chosen. 


1  Col.    Rec,    VI,    vii-ix. 

2  Col.    Rec,    III,    258. 

3  Col.  Rec,  III,   280. 


The  Provincial  Agents  of  North  Carolina  65 

The  committee  of  correspondence,  as  it  was  called,  was  composed 
of  Eobert  Halton  and  Eleazer  Allen,  of  the  Council,  and  Samuel 
Swann,  John  Starkey  and  John  Swann,  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons. Whenever  so  ordered  the  committee  should  lay  before  the 
Governor,  Council  and  Assembly  the  correspondence  which  had 
passed  between  it  and  the  agent.4  The  mere  fact  that  such  able 
and  influential  men  served  on  the  committee  of  correspondence 
proves  the  great  importance  and  responsibility  of  the  office  of 
agent. 

It  having  been  "found  very  beneficial  to  the  Province  that  a 
proper  person  should,  by  public  authority,  solicit  and  represent 
the  affairs"  of  the  colony  in  England,  and  Abercromby's  term  of 
office  having  expired,  the  Assembly  of  1751  re-enacted  the  agency 
law  of  1848  for  a  period  of  three  years.  Abercromby  was  retained 
as  agent  and  James  Hasell  and  John  Dawson,  of  the  Council, 
were  selected  to  fill  the  vacancies  in  the  committee  of  correspond- 
ence occasioned  by  the  deaths  of  Halton  and  Allen.  The  yearly 
salary  of  50£  had  been  found  inadequate  and  was  increased  to 
100£.  The  sum  of  111£  9s.  and  2d.  was  allowed  Abercromby  as 
compensation  for  extraordinary  expenses  incurred  during  his 
first  term.5 

In  1754  the  agency  act  was  extended  again  for  a  period  of 
three  years.6  Upon  the  termination  of  Abercromby's  third  term 
in  1757,  the  lower  house  was  disinclined  to  appropriate  any 
money  for  public  services,  for  taxes  were  already  very  burden- 
some.   Consequently  no  agent  was  appointed.7 

It  would  be  monotonous  to  enumerate  all  of  Abercromby's 
activities  as  agent.  He  performed  several  important  services. 
When  McCulloch,  Morris,  Corbin,  Dobbs  and  others  attacked 
Governor  Johnston  in  1749  and  sought  to  compass  his  removal 
from  the  governorship,  Abercromby  successfully  defended  the 
Governor  by  cleverly  delaying  the  proceedings  before  the  Board 
of  Trade.8    He  produced  strong  arguments  favorable  to  an  im- 


4  State   Rec,    XXIII,    303-304. 

5  State   Rec,    XXIII,    362-363. 

6  State  Rec,   XXIII,   399;    State  Rec,   XXV,   266. 

7  Col.    Rec,    V,    788-789,    928,    988. 

8  Col.  Rec,   IV,   934-939,   942;   Ashe,   Hist,   of  N.   C,   272. 


66  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

portant  quit  rent  law  passed  by  the  Assembly,  which  Lamb,  the 
Reporting  Counsel  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  had  disapproved. 
Altogether,  he  discharged  the  functions  of  his  office  in  a  most 
acceptable  and  efficient  manner.  In  a  letter  to  the  Board  of 
Trade,  dated  April  13,  1758,  he  informed  the  board  that  he 
was  no  longer  agent  for  the  colony  and  advised  it  to  instruct 
the  Governor  to  recommend  to  the  Assembly  the  passage  of  an 
act  to  call  in  as  much  of  the  old  paper  currency  as  possible,  to 
be  paid  off  by  the  share  of  North  Carolina  in  the  grants  which 
Parliament  had  made  to  reimburse  the  colonies  for  their  appro- 
priations and  aid  in  the  war  then  being  carried  on  against 
France  and  her  Indian  allies.10  The  suggestion  contained  much 
wisdom,  because  the  provincial  currency  was  greatly  depre- 
ciated in  value. 

The  Parliamentary  grants  were  two  in  number.  The  first 
was  an  appropriation  of  200,000£,  which  was  allotted  to  all  of 
the  colonies  for  distribution.  The  second  amounted  to  50,000£, 
which  was  to  be  distributed  among  the  two  Carolinas  and  Vir- 
ginia. In  November,  1758,  the  Assembly  convened  and  entered 
into  a  heated  dispute  with  Governor  Dobbs  concerning  the  right 
to  dispose  of  the  share  of  the  colony  in  the  Crown's  bounties. 
The  house  also  contended  that  it  had  the  right  to  name  an  agent 
and  the  committee  of  correspondence.  The  Assembly  and  the 
Governor  were  in  utter  disagreement.11 

A  bill  was  introduced  at  this  session  for  the  location  of  the 
seat  of  government  at  Tower  Hill,  near  Stringer's  Ferry,  on  the 
Neuse — a  site  which  Dobbs  had  chosen — and  for  the  erection  of 
a  state  house,  a  secretary's  office  and  a  residence  for  the  Gover- 
nor should  he  decide  to  reside  there.  Another  bill  which  was 
introduced  provided  for  the  enlistment  of  three  hundred  soldiers 
to  serve  against  the  French,  the  bringing  over  in  specie  of  the 
colony's  share  of  the  royal  grants  and  putting  the  same  into  the 
custody  of  the  provincial  treasurers,  and  for  the  appointment  of 
an  agent.    A  committee  of  correspondence,  composed  entirely  of 


8  Col.  Rec,  V,   448-456. 

10  Col.    Rec,    V,    928-929. 

u  Col.  Rec,  VI,  x,   1-3  ;   Ashe,   Hist,  of  N.  C,   294. 


The  Provincial  Agents  of  North  Carolina  67 

members  from  the  lower  house,  was  named  in  the  bill  and  Aber- 
cromby  was  to  be  the  agent.12 

The  Governor  regarded  the  first  bill  as  a  scheme  to  persuade 
him  to  give  his  assent  to  the  second,  and  said  that  the  lower 
house  would  even  have  paid  his  house  rent  and  the  expenses 
which  he  incurred  in  attending  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia  in 
order  to  obtain  his  approval  of  it.  Dobbs  also  charged  several 
of  the  leaders  of  the  house  and  the  two  treasurers  with  having 
arranged  a  plan  whereby  they  would  get  ' '  our  proportion  of  the 
sum  which  his  Majesty  had  graciously  recommended  to  Parlia- 
ment to  reimburse  the  southern  colonies,  which  they  expected 
would  be  at  least  15,000£,  into  their  custody  under  the  direction 
of  the  Assembly,  which  they  ruled,  and  so  apply  it  as  they 
thought  proper,  without  his  Majesty  or  the  Governor  or  the 
Council's  interfering  in  it."  Dobbs  objected  to  the  bill  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  an  encroachment  upon  the  rights  of  the 
Governor  and  Council,  and  not  in  conformity  to  the  powers  of 
the  Assembly.  He  thought  it  improper  and  illegal  to  tack  on 
the  aid  bill  the  sections  dealing  with  the  appointment  of  an 
agent  and  with  the  royal  grants.  He  desired,  however,  to  have 
the  bill  locating  the  capitol  at  Tower  Hill  enacted.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  Assembly  declared  that  the  bill  which  Dobbs  wished 
to  pass  should  not  pass  unless  the  other  bill  went  "hand  and 
glove"  with  it,13 

Being  determined  to  defeat  the  one  and  to  pass  the  other, 
Dobbs  resorted  to  a  very  clever  stratagem.  He  instructed  his 
followers  in  the  Council  not  to  oppose  the  aid  bill,  except  in 
some  insignificant  matters  of  amendment  until  it  had  passed  the 
third  reading  in  the  house  and  had  been  sent  to  the  upper  house 
for  ratification.  When  both  bills  had  passed  the  third  reading 
in  the  house,  he  made  it  clear  to  the  members  of  the  Council  that 
he  desired  the  aid  bill  defeated  by  saying  that  he  ' '  wanted  their 
advice  whether  to  pass  a  bill  of  an  extraordinary  nature  which 
affected  his  Majesty's  prerogative  and  the  rights  of  the  Gover- 
nor and  Council,"  and  which  was  contrary  to  the  instructions 


Col.   Rec,   V,    1087;    Col.   Rec,   VI,    1-3. 
Col.  Rec,  VI,   1-3. 


68  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

which  he  had  received  from  the  authorities  in  England.  The 
strategy  succeeded.  The  bill  locating  the  capitol  at  Tower  Hill 
was  passed,  but  the  Council,  under  Dobbs'  influence,  deferred 
action  on  the  aid  bill  for  several  days,  by  which  time  the  Gover- 
nor was  to  prorogue  the  Assembly.  Governor  Dobbs  described 
the  result  in  this  manner: 

Upon  this  disappointment  the  lower  house  were  all  in  a 
flame,  the  managers  being  greatly  disappointed,  and  represented 
to  me  that  there  must  be  a  dissolution  unless  the  upper  house 
would  resume  the  bill,  desiring  I  would  speak  to  the  Council  to 
revoke  their  resolution  and  pass  the  bill. 

The  Governor,  of  course,  declined  to  interfere.  He  agreed 
to  join  with  the  house  in  recommending  that  the  money  already 
due  Abercromby  for  his  services  as  agent  be  paid  out  of  the 
Parliamentary  grants.14  Thereupon  the  lower  house  appointed 
James  Abercromby  its  own  agent  for  two  years  with  an  annual 
salary  of  150£,  to  be  paid  out  of  the  colony's  portion  of  the 
50,000£  bounty.  Sam  Swann,  Thomas  Barker,  John  Starkey, 
George  Moore  and  John  Ashe,  all  members  of  the  house,  were 
appointed  committee  of  correspondence.  The  house  adopted  an 
address  congratulating  the  Crown  upon  the  victories  won  from 
the  French  and  praying  that  a  part  of  the  sum  allotted  North 
Carolina  should  be  used  in  establishing  free  schools  in  each 
county.     Then  Dobbs  prorogued  the  Assembly.15 

At  its  next  sitting  the  council  chose  Samuel  Smith,  of  Lon- 
don, Dobbs'  private  attorney,  as  agent.16  The  province  now 
had  two  agents,  neither  of  whom  legally  occupied  the  office.  An 
agent  appointed  by  one  house  only  lacked  authority  and  was 
unable  to  represent  the  colony  as  it  ought  to  have  been  repre- 
sented. 

In  the  spring  of  1759,  urgent  calls  for  troops  were  made  upon 
Governor  Dobbs,  for  the  army  in  the  North  stood  in  dire  need 
of  re-enforcements.  Dobbs  called  the  Assembly  to  meet  at  New- 
bern  on  the  8th  of  May.17    The  house  almost  immediately  passed 


"Col.    Rec,   VI,  2-3;    Ashe,    Hist,   of   N.    C,    295. 

15  Col.  Rec,  VI,  2-3,   9,   76;   Ashe,   Hist,   of  N.   C,   295. 

16  Col.  Rec,  VI,  77. 
"Ashe,   Hist,   of  N.   C,    295. 


The  Provincial  Agents  of  North  Carolina  69 

an  aid  bill  similar  to  the  one  defeated  by  Dobbs  at  the  pre- 
ceding session.  The  forces  of  the  province  were  to  be  increased 
to  three  hundred  men,  exclusive  of  officers.  An  aid  of  6,000£ 
was  to  be  granted  for  enlisting  and  maintaining  this  force,  and 
Abercrornby  was  to  be  appointed  agent.  He  was  to  present 
documents  to  the  English  government  showing  the  expense  North 
Carolina  had  been  at  in  affording  assistance  against  the  enemy. 
Upon  being  properly  bonded,  Abercrortiby  was  to  receive  from 
the  English  authorities  the  portion  of  the  50,000£  grant  assigned 
to  the  province  and  transmit  the  same  to  the  provincial  treasurers 
after  deducting  the  sum  due  him  for  previous  services  and  so 
much  as  might  be  necessary  to  defray  the  cost  of  insurance  and 
shipment  to  the  treasurers  of  the  colony.  The  committee  of  cor- 
respondence was  to  be  composed  entirely  of  members  of  the 
lower  house.18  The  council  wished  to  amend  the  bill  by  elimi- 
nating the  sections  which  dealt  with  the  appointment  of  an 
agent.  The  house  refusing  to  agree  to  the  amendment,  the  coun- 
cil declined  to  pass  the  bill  and  the  session  was  adjourned  with- 
out any  measures  having  been  passed.19 

The  Board  of  Trade  disagreed  with  Dobbs  in  most  of  the 
positions  which  he  took  in  the  controversy  with  the  house.  Al- 
though it  could  not  do  otherwise  than  approve  of  his  having  de- 
feated the  bill,  the  Board  informed  Dobbs  that  the  aid  bill  did 
not  lessen  the  Crown's  prerogative  to  the  extent  he  feared.  The 
Board  affirmed  the  contentions  of  the  lower  house  that  the  As- 
sembly had  the  right  to  appropriate  the  funds  granted  the  pro- 
vince by  Parliament  and  that  it  had  the  inherent  right  to  name 
the  agent.  Though  it  saw  no  reason  for  disapproving  the  bill 
in  its  abstract  principles,  the  Board  ruled  that  the  appointment 
of  an  agent,  being  separate  from  the  aid  bill,  ought  to  have  been 
provided  for  in  a  separate  act  and  that  the  committee  of  cor- 
respondence should  have  been  composed  of  members  of  both 
houses.20 

A  new  Assembly  was  called  to  meet  in  April,  1760.  The  chief 
purpose  for  calling  this  meeting  was  to  have  an  aid  bill  passed 


18  Col.  Rec,   VI,   37-38,    10210c 

19  Ashe,   Hist,   of  N.   C,    295. 

20  Col.  Rec,   VII,    54-55. 


70  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

so  that  the  province  might  afford  assistance  in  the  military  cam- 
paigns then  being  planned.  In  his  speech  to  the  Assembly  the 
governor  recommended  the  election  of  an  agent  to  receive  and 
remit  the  share  of  the  colony  in  the  grants  of  the  Crown.21 
Owing  to  the  failure  of  the  governor  and  the  Assembly  to  agree 
upon  a  suitable  law  establishing  courts,  there  had  been  no  courts 
in  the  province  for  several  months  and  much  disorder  had  arisen 
in  Edgecombe,  Halifax  and  Granville  Counties.  Being  anxious 
to  pass  a  law  establishing  and  regulating  courts,  the  Assembly 
determined  not  to  pass  an  aid  bill  until  an  act  creating  superior 
courts  should  be  passed.  Dobbs  was  equally  resolved  not  to  let 
the  house  have  its  way.22 

The  quarrel  waxed  warmer.  On  May  23,  the  house  went  into 
a  committee  of  the  whole  and  resolved  that  if  any  member  should 
make  known  to  any  person  the  remarks  of  any  member  in  any 
debate  or  proceeding  in  the  house,  he  should  be  expelled  from 
his  seat  as  being  unworthy  of  it.  In  this  secret  session,  the  Assem- 
bly adopted  twenty  resolutions  setting  forth  the  arbitrary  con- 
duct of  the  governor.  An  address  to  the  Crown  was  drawn  up 
complaining  of  abuses  perpetrated  by  the  governor,  describing 
the  unsatisfactory  conditions  prevalent  in  the  province  and 
declaring  that  Dobbs'  influence  over  the  council  had  prevented 
the  colony  from  having  an  agent  in  England.  The  address  as- 
serted that  the  real  cause  for  the  council's  rejection  of  the  aid 
bill  of  the  last  session  and  of  the  governor's  displeasure  with  it 
was  that  it  did  not  name  as  agent  Dobbs'  private  attorney,  Mr. 
Smith.23 

Being  brought  to  reason  by  the  drastic  action  of  the  As- 
sembly, Dobbs  promised  to  assent  to  a  court  law  which  should 
not  be  in  force  for  more  than  two  years  unless  ratified  by  the 
Crown  provided  the  Assembly  passed  an  aid  bill.  The  court  bill 
received  the  assent  of  the  governor,  but  being  dissatisfied  with 
some  of  the  provisions  of  the  aid  bill  and  deeming  it  no  longer 
necessary,  Dobbs  refused  to  give  his  assent  to  it.24    It  seems  that 


21  Col.   Rec,    VI,    347. 

22  Col.  Rec,  VI,  408-409;  Aslie,  Hist,  of  N.  C,   287-298. 

23  Col.    Rec,    VI,    409-415. 
"Ashe,    Hist,    of   N.    C,    298-299. 


The  Provincial  Agents  of  North  Carolina  71 

Bobert  Jones,  a  lawyer,  was  selected  as  agent  in  the  defeated  aid 
bill.25 

A.t  the  same  time  the  council  refused  to  approve  a  hill  naming 
Abercromby  agent.26  Thereupon  the  Assembly  chose  Anthony 
Bacon,  a  merchant  of  London.27  The  council  declined  to  sanc- 
tion this  selection  and  asked  that  five  of  its  members  be  put  upon 
the  committee  of  correspondence.  It  was  also  requested  that  all 
business  to  be  transacted  with  the  agent  must  be  approved  by 
three  members  of  the  committee  from  each  house.  Upon  the 
refusal  of  the  house  to  amend  the  bill  as  proposed,  the  council 
rejected  it.2S 

The  house  appointed  Bacon  as  its  agent  for  a  term  of  two 
years  and  resolved  "that  Samuel  Swann,  John  Starkey,  George 
Moore  and  John  Ashe,  or  any  three  of  them"  constitute  the 
committee  of  correspondence.29 

Dobbs  postponed  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly  until  Septem- 
ber. The  beginning  of  hostilities  between  the  Cherokees  and  the 
frontiersmen  rendered  it  imperative  to  call  the  meeting  in  mid- 
summer. In  this  emergency  measures  were  taken  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  colony.30  The  council  tabled  a  bill  providing  for 
the  appointment  of  an  agent.31 

At  the  next  session  of  the  Assembly,  which  was  held  in  No- 
vember, 1760,  the  house  addressed  the  governor  saying : 

We  flatter  ourselves,  had  we  been  so  fortunate  as  to  have  had 
the  concurrence  of  the  other  branches  of  the  legislature  in  pass- 
ing a  law  (more  than  once  attempted)  for  appointing  an  agent 
in  London,  who  might  have  produced  proper  documents  of  our 
expenses  and  represented  our  duty  and  zeal  for  his  Majesty's 
service  (considering  our  circumstances),  in  their  true  light  to 
his  Majesty's  ministers,  we  should  have  been  in  expectation  of 
partaking  of  his  Majesty's  royal  grace  and  favour  out  of  the 
first  200,000£  granted  by  Parliament  to  the  colonies,  and  of 


25  Col.  Rec,  VI,    297. 

28  Col.  Rec,  VI,   423,   424. 

27  Col.  Rec,   VI,   429. 

28  Col.  Rec,   VI,   423-424. 

29  Col.  Rec,   VI,   436. 

30  Ashe,    Hist,   of   N.    C,    301. 

31  Col.  Rec,    VI,    444. 


72  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

which  Virginia  has  received  20,546£  as  her  proportion  exclusive 
of  32,268£  and  19s.  out  of  the  50,000£  grant ;  whereas  the  whole 
coming  to  this  Province  is  not  more  than  7,789£  Is.  Id.  sterling ; 
and  even  out  of  which,  there  is  a  demand  of  1,000£,  as  your 
Excellency  informs  us.  that  was  advanced  by  Lord  Loudoun,  and 
Mr.  Shirley,  to  pay  the  forces  at  New  York  notwithstanding  a 
sufficient  fund  raised  by  this  Province ;  and  therefore  we  can- 
not help  being  of  opinion  that  the  small  part  of  his  Majesty's 
royal  bounty  coming  to  this  Colony  is  apparently  owing  to  the 
want  of  an  agent  to  represent  our  dutiful  behaviour  to  his 
Majesty  and  his  ministers.32 

The  fact  that  North  Carolina  did  not  have  an  agent  in  Eng- 
land was  due  to  Dobbs'  defeat  of  the  various  aid  bills  whereby 
an  agent  would  have  been  appointed.  North  Carolina  had  ex- 
pended about  66, OOOi  in  assisting  in  waging  the  war.  More  than 
half  of  this  amount  had  been  spent  for  services  outside  the  pro- 
vince and  the  colony  had  justly  expected  to  receive  a  consider- 
able amount  of  the  royal  grants.  Dobbs'  persistent  refusal  to 
concur  in  the  appointment  of  an  agent  resulted  in  great  financial 
loss  to  the  colony.33 

Following  the  address  of  the  house  to  the  governor,  both 
houses  passed  an  act  which  granted  an  aid  for  operations  against 
the  enemy  and  appointed  Bacon  agent  to  lay  before  the  English 
authorities  documents  showing  the  expense  the  colony  had  in- 
curred in  the  war.34  This  act  was  disapproved  of  by  the  gover- 
nor. He  adjourned  the  Assembly  for  two  days  that  it  might 
reconsider  and  expunge  the  "foreign"  clauses  and  name  an 
agent  who  would  not  be  objectionable  to  him.  This  advice  was 
accompanied  by  a  threat  to  dissolve  the  Assembly.35 

In  a  committee  of  the  whole,  the  house  resolved  that  the 
naming  of  an  agent  was  its  inherent  right  and  that  the  appoint- 
ment of  an  agent  at  that  time,  even  if  inserted  in  an  aid  bill, 
was  not  inconsistent  with  the  services  of  the  Crown.  An  address 
was  presented  to  Dobbs  in  which  these  resolutions  were  reiter- 


32  Col.  Rec,    VI,    477. 

33  Col.  Rec,    VI,    ix-x. 

34  Col.  Rec,    VI,    463. 

35  Col.  Rec,    VI,    515. 


The  Provincial  Agents  of  North  Carolina  73 

ated  and  in  which  the  house  stated  that  its  members  regretted 
that  the  governor's  private  resentment  against  whomever  it 
named  as  agent  should  frustrate  all  efforts  to  unite  with  Vir- 
ginia and  South  Carolina  in  an  attack  upon  the  Cherokees.  The 
house  refused  to  strike  Bacon's  name  out  of  the  bill.36  The  bill 
was  re-introduced  and  passed  the  third  reading  in  each  house, 
but  did  not  become  law  because  Dobbs  dissolved  the  Assembly 
before  it  was  presented  for  his  approval.37  The  dangers  of  an 
Indian  invasion  had  ceased  by  this  time.3S 

The  new  Assembly  convened  at  Wilmington  in  March,  1761, 
and  upbraided  the  governor  for  his  defeat  of  the  aid  bill  and  for 
not  calling  the  Assembly  to  meet  at  a  more  convenient  place.39 
Both  sides,  however,  were  now  willing  to  yield  something  in 
order  to  accomplish  their  respective  ends. 

A  bill  appropriating  20,000£,  proclamation  money,  for  the 
enlistment  and  support  of  five  hundred  soldiers  and  naming 
Cuchet  Jouvencal,  of  Westminister,  England,  agent  was  passed. 
John  Swann,  Lewis  deRossett,  and  Maurice  Moore,  of  the  coun- 
cil, and  Samuel  Swann,  John  Ashe,  John  Starkey,  Cornelius 
Harnett  and  Francis  Corbin,  of  the  house,  were  appointed  to 
constitute  the  committee  of  correspondence.40  The  house  re- 
frained from  selecting  Bacon  merely  to  obtain  the  assent  of  the 
governor.41  The  council  advised  Dobbs  to  assent  to  the  act  and 
having  done  so,  the  governor  dissolved  the  Assembly.42 

Meanwhile  the  Board  of  Trade  informed  Dobbs  that  he  had 
no  right  to  interfere  in  the  nomination  of  an  agent  by  the  As- 
sembly and  that  although  naming  an  agent  in  the  aid  bill  which 
he  had  rejected  at  the  last  session  was  irregular,  the  necessity 
of  the  times  rendered  the  irregularity  too  trivial  a  reason  for 
rejecting  a  law  which  would  have  been  beneficial  to  the  Crown 
and  to  the  province.43 

Sir  Matthew  Lamb,  Reporting  Counsel  to  the  Board,  criticised 


36  Col.    Rec,    VI,    515-517. 

37  Col.   Rec,   VI,    518-519. 

38  Ashe,    Hist,   of   N.    C,    301. 
38  Ashe,    Hist,   of   N.   C,    302. 
40  State   Rec,   XXIII,    539-541. 
a  Col.    Rec,    VI,    692. 

42  Col.  Rec,  VI,    633-634,   694. 
"Col.   Rec,   VI,   539. 


74  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

the  tacking  on  to  the  aid  bill  of  the  clauses  nominating  Jouvencal 
agent  as  being  irregular.44  Thereupon  the  Board  instructed 
Dobbs  to  recommend  the  appointment  of  an  agent  in  a  separate 
bill  when  Jouvencal's  term  should  expire.45 

At  the  session  early  in  1764,  John  Starkey  introduced  a  bill 
to  continue  the  agency  of  Jouvencal  for  eighteen  months,  but 
the  quarrel  between  the  two  houses  concerning  the  membership 
of  the  correspondence  committee  caused  the  failure  of  the 
measure.46  By  their  own  authority  the  house  appointed  Jou- 
vencal its  agent  and  named  as  committee  of  correspondence 
John  Ashe,  John  Starkey,  Cornelius  Harnett,  Francis  Corbin 
and  Maurice  Moore.47 

Later  in  the  year  the  Assembly  made  another  effort  to  have 
an  agent  appointed  with  the  concurrence  of  the  governor  and 
council.  Thomas  Barker,  an  eminent  resident  of  the  colony,  was 
chosen  by  the  house,  but  the  council  substituted  another  person 
in  his  place.4S  When  the  lower  house  reinserted  the  name  of 
Thomas  Barker  in  the  bill,  the  council  rejected  it.49  The  As- 
sembly took  vengeance  on  the  council  by  refusing  to  appropriate 
1,000£  to  pay  Samuel  Smith  who  had  been  named  as  agent  of 
the  province  by  the  governor  and  the  council  in  1759.  The 
house  correctly  decided  that  Smith  had  never  been  the  agent  of 
the  province.50 

The  inability  of  the  different  branches  of  the  government  to 
agree  upon  the  choice  of  an  agent  had  already  worked  much  woe 
to  the  affairs  of  the  province  before  the  governmental  authori- 
ties of  England.  The  council  and  the  governor  were  in  the 
wrong,  for  the  Board  of  Trade  had  declared  that  the  power  of 
naming  an  agent  was  vested  in  the  Assembly.  It  seems  that  the 
Board  of  Trade  recognized  the  agents  appointed  solely  by  the 
house  during  the  time  of  the  quarrel. 

In  May,  1765,  the  house  refused  to  submit  to  the  council  the 


44  Col.  Rec,  VI,  748. 

45  Col.  Rec,  VI,  702-703. 

46  Col.  Rec,  VI,  1134,  1136,  1137,  1214. 

47  Col.  Rec,  VI,  1214. 

48  Col.  Rec,  VI,  1287-1288. 

49  Col.  Rec,  VI,  1240. 

60  Col.  Rec,  VI,  1251-1252,  1313,  1316-1317. 


The  Provincial  Agents  of  North  Carolina  75 

letters  and  papers  which  it  had  received  from  Joiwencal  since 
the  last  sitting  of  the  legislature.  Governor  Tryon  wrote  the 
Board  of  Trade  that  the  Assembly's  agent  ought  not  to  be 
recognized  by  the  Board  unless  the  house  would  permit  some 
members  of  the  council  to  serve  on  the  correspondence  com- 
mittee.51 

The  Assembly  continued  the  agency  of  Jouvencal  for  one 
year.52  The  Board  of  Trade  accepted  Tryon 's  advice  and  no 
member  of  the  council  having  been  placed  upon  the  committee  of 
correspondence,  refused  to  recognize  the  agent.  No  agent  was 
appointed  from  this  time  until  1768. 53 

The  gist  of  the  quarrel  was  that  the  council  denied  the 
Assembly  the  right  of  naming  the  agent,  while  the  house  refused 
to  allow  the  council  a  proper  share  in  the  committee  of  corre- 
spondence. 

In  1767,  Henry  Eustace  McCulloch,  a  member  of  the  council 
then  residing  in  England,  offered  his  services  as  agent  to  the 
colony.54 

An  attempt  to  elect  an  agent  early  in  the  following  year 
failed.55 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year,  the  house,  by  a  resolve  appoint- 
ed McCulloch  agent  with  John  Harvey,  Joseph  Montfort, 
Samuel  Johnston,  Joseph  Hewes  and  Edward  Vail  as  the  corre- 
spondence committee.50 

Parliament  having  adopted  the  plan  of  taxing  the  colonies  to 
help  raise  funds  to  pay  the  war  debt,  the  Assembly  drew  up  an 
address  protesting  against  such  taxation.  In  writing  to  McCul- 
loch, the  committee  of  correspondence  characterized  Parliamen- 
tary taxation  as  "totally  unconstitutional  and  destructive  of  the 
natural  right  of  mankind. ' '  McCulloch  was  instructed  to  assure 
the  king,  the  ministry  and  Englishmen  in  general  of  the  loyalty 
of  North  Carolina  to  the  Crown,  to  present  the  address  of  the 
Assembly  to  the  king,  to  cooperate  with  the  agents  of  other 


51  Col.  Rec,  VI,   107. 

52  Col.   Rec,   VI,    60,    87. 

33  Ashe,   Hist,   of  N.   C,   312. 

54  Col.  Rec,   VII,   517-518. 

55  Col.    Rec,    VII,    641. 

56  Col.    Rec,    VII,    973. 


76  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

colonies  in  obtaining  the  repeal  of  the  act  imposing  internal 
taxes  on  America  and  to  work  for  the  repeal  of  the  law  of 
Parliament  which  forbade  the  colonies  to  issue  paper  money.57 
Samuel  Johnston  considered  the  address  too  submissive  and 
with  Joseph  Hewes  declined  to  serve  on  the  committee  of  corre- 
spondence.58 

The  dissatisfaction  among  the  people  on  the  frontier  of  the 
province  resulted  in  the  formation  of  the  Regulation  movement. 
In  October,  1769,  in  a  petition  to  the  legislature  setting  forth 
their  grievances,  the  Regulators  of  Anson  County  asked  that 
"Doctor  Benjamin  Franklin  or  some  other  known  patriot"  be 
appointed  agent  of  the  colony  in  England.59 

McCulloch  informed  the  Assembly  that  its  address  had  reach- 
ed its  destination  and  that  he  would  gladly  carry  out  the  in- 
structions given  him.60 

Try  on  was  authorized  to  sanction  the  appointment  of  an 
agent  elected  by  both  houses  to  represent  the  affairs  of  the  pro- 
vince before  the  authorities  in  England.  The  critical  relations 
subsisting  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  ren- 
dered it  necessary  that  an  agent  should  be  appointed  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  give  him  unmistakable  authority.  Otherwise,  the 
interests  of  the  colony  would  be  doomed  to  delay  and  disap- 
pointment,01 

In  the  autumn  of  1769,  the  two  houses  appointed  H.  E. 
McCulloch  agent  for  a  term  of  two  years  with  an  annual  salary 
of  200£  sterling.  Lewis  Henry  de  Rossett,  Alexander  McCul- 
loch and  Robert  Palmer,  of  the  council,  and  John  Harvey,  Joseph 
Montfort,  Edward  Vail,  John  Campbell  and  Benjamin  Harvey, 
of  the  house,  were  selected  as  the  committee  of  correspondence.62 
Tryon  approved  the  act.63 

Late  in  1771,  McCulloch  was  re-appointed  for  an  additional 
term  of  two  years  and  the  committee  of  correspondence  was  com- 


57  Col.    Rec,    VII,    877-879. 

68  Ashe,  Hist,  of  N.  C,  347-348. 

59  Col.   Rec,   VIII,   78. 

60  Col.    Rec,    VIII,    55-57. 
01  Col.    Rec,    VII,    868. 

62  State  Rec,  XXV,  518. 

63  Col.  Rec,  VIII,  151. 


The  Provincial  Agents  of  North  Carolina  77 

posed  of  members  from  both  houses.04  McCulloch  was  the  last 
agent  to  represent  the  colony  in  the  mother  country.  Being 
familiar  with  the  situation  in  the  province  and  in  England,  he 
was  well  qualified  to  render  the  colony  much  service.  This  he 
did. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  office  of  agent  was  of  vast  importance 
and  responsibility.  The  constant  bickering  between  the  lower 
house  and  the  governor  and  between  the  house  and  the  council 
resulted  in  much  loss  and  damage  to  the  interests  of  the  pro- 
vince in  England. 


64  State   Rec,   XXIII,    854. 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA 


The  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 


PUBLISHED  UNDER  THE  DIRECTION  OF 


The  North  Carolina  Historical  Society 


Editors: 

J.  G.  de  ROULHAC  HAMILTON 
HENRY  McGILBERT  WAGSTAFF 
WILLIAM  WHATLEY  PIERSON,  JR. 


VOL.  17 


No. 


CONTENTS 

THE  FREE  NEGRO  IN  NORTH 
CAROLINA 

SOME  COLONIAL  HISTORY  OF  CRAVEN 
COUNTY 


CHAPEL  HILL 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY 

1920 


THE  FREE  NEGRO  IN  NORTH 
CAROLINA 


BY 
R.  H.  TAYLOR,  A.  M. 

Assistant  Professor  of  History 
The  Citadel 


THE  FREE  NEGRO  IN  NORTH 
CAROLINA1 


INTRODUCTION 

The  most  pathetic  figure  in  North  Carolina  prior  to  the  Civil 
War  was  the  free  negro.  Hedged  about  with  social  and  legal  re- 
strictions, he  ever  remained  an  anomaly  in  the  social  and  polit- 
ical life  of  the  State. 

The  origin  of  this  class  of  people  may  be  attributed  to  many 
sources,  the  most  common  of  which  are  (1)  cohabitation  of  white 
women  and  negro  men,  (2)  intermarriage  of  blacks  and  whites, 
(3)  manumission,  (4)  military  service  in  the  Eevolution,  and 
(5)  immigration  from  adjoining  States.  As  early  as  17232  many 
free  negroes,  mulattoes  and  persons  of  mixed  blood  had  moved 
into  the  Province  and  had  intermarried  with  the  white  inhabi- 
tants "in  contempt  of  the  acts  and  laws  in  those  cases  pro- 
vided." In  the  year  1715  in  order  to  discourage  intermarriage 
between  white  women  and  negro  men,  a  penalty  of  £50  was 
imposed  upon  the  contracting  parties,  while  clergymen  and  jus- 
tices of  peace  were  forbidden  to  celebrate  such  marriage  under 
a  like  penalty.3  However  regrettable  it  may  be,  it  is  certain  that 
there  were  a  few  disreputable  white  women  who  had  illegitimate 
children  by  negro  men,  and  such  children  inherited  the  legal 
status  of  the  mother.  The  laws  of  17154  take  cognizance  of  this 
fact  by  imposing  a  penalty  on  any  white  woman  "whether  bond 
or  free",  who  shall  have  a  bastard  child  by  any  negro,  mulatto 
or  Indian. 

Probably  the  most  fruitful  origin  of  the  free  negro  class 
was  manumission.  While  it  is  doubtful  whether  many  slaves 
were  set  free  prior  to  1740,  it  is  certain  that  the  Quakers  in 
their  Yearly  Meeting  began  to  agitate  the  question  of  emanci- 


1TThis  paper   was   prepared   as   a   thesis   in   partial   fulfilment   of   the   requirements 
for   the   degree    of   Master   of   Arts   in   the   University   of    North    Carolina. 

2  State   Records,   Vol.    XXIII,    pp.    106-107.      Hereafter   the    Colonial   Records    and 
State   Records  will  be  referred   to  as   "C.   R.",   and   "S.   R." 

3  Ibid.,    p.    65. 

4  Ibid. 


6  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

pating  slaves  in  that  year,5  and  they  never  ceased  to  advocate 
emancipation  both  by  precept  and  example. 

The  free  negro  class  was  slightly  augmented  by  the  addition 
of  certain  negroes  who  had  served  in  the  continental  line 
of  the  State  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  many  of  whom  had 
been  promised  their  freedom  before  they  enlisted.  It  was  easy 
in  such  cases  to  allege  meritorious  service  as  a  ground  for  eman- 
cipation. To  the  before-mentioned  causes  for  the  existence  of  the 
free  negro  in  North  Carolina  should  be  added  one  other ;  namely, 
immigration,  particularly  from  Virginia.  Despite  the  law  to 
the  contrary,  many  free  negroes  drifted  across  the  State  line 
from  Virginia  into  North  Carolina  and  quietly  settled  on  the 
unproductive  land  adjacent  thereto.6 

In  every  instance  except  one  (service  in  the  Revolution)  the 
free  negro  came  into  being  against  the  will  of  the  State  either 
expressed  or  implied ;  but  once  given  a  place  in  the  social  order 
of  the  commonwealth,  his  tribe  increased  in  spite  of  adverse 
laws  and  customs  prescribed  by  the  dominant  race. 

MANUMISSION 

It  has  been  previously  noted  that  manumission  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  been  a  well-established  practice  before  1741 ;  how- 
ever the  practice  was  not  unknown  to  the  early  planters.  In 
the  laws  of  1723 7  complaint  was  made  that  the  law  which  re- 
quired all  free  negroes  to  leave  the  State  within  six  months  after 
being  set  free  had  been  disregarded  by  the  negroes,  who  returned 
after  a  time.  In  order  to  discourage  their  return  to  the  State, 
the  law  specifically  stated  that  all  such  free  negroes  returned 
contrary  to  law  should  be  arrested  and  sold  into  slavery  for  seven 
years,8  and  the  sale  repeated  in  case  the  negro  returned  a  second 
time.  One  may  readily  infer  from  the  very  language  of  the  act 
that  it  was  ' '  obeyed  but  not  executed. ' '  That  provision  of  the  law 
which  required  all  free  negroes  to  leave  the  State  within  six 
months  after  being  liberated  does  not  occur  in  the  laws  of  1741 


B  Negro  Year  Book,   1913. 

6  £.  R„  Vol.  24,  p.  639. 

7  Atlantic    Monthly,    January,    1886. 
8S.   B.,   Vol.    23,    pp.    106-107. 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina  7 

— a  fact  that  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  law  continued  to 
be  disregarded. 

Prior  to  1741  a  master  could  renounce  ownership  of  his  slave 
without  leave  of  court,  and  according  to  an  opinion  rendered  by 
Justice  Ruffin  in  the  case  of  Sampson  vs.  Burgwin9  he  could 
probably  do  so  until  1796;  however  such  a  renunciation  on  the 
part  of  a  slave  owner  was  equivalent  to  a  forfeiture  of  the 
slave  to  the  public,  which  in  turn  might  seize  him  and  sell  him 
into  slavery. 

The  law  of  1741,  which  is  the  first  comprehensive  statute  on 
the  subject  of  emancipation,  was  probably  enacted  as  a  safe- 
guard against  promiscuous  emancipation  of  slaves  by  the 
Quakers.  By  virtue  of  this  law10  no  negro  or  mulatto  slave 
could  be  set  free  on  any  pretense  whatever,  "except  for  meri- 
torious services,  to  be  adjudged  and  allowed  of  by  the  county 
court,  and  license  therefrom  first  had  and  obtained."11  For 
the  first  time  since  the  element  of  meritorious  service  enters 
into  the  law  as  a  determining  factor  in  emancipation.  By  rea- 
son of  the  fact  that  the  law  of  1741  was  flagrantly  violated  by 
certain  Quakers  in  Perquimans  and  Pasquotank  counties,  it  was 
reaffirmed  by  the  General  Assembly  of  1777. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1726  the  Quakers,  already 
restive  under  the  restrictions  of  the  law  regarding  the  eman- 
cipation of  slaves,  took  advantage  of  the  uncertainty  of  the 
times  to  set  free  a  number  of  slaves  in  the  counties  of  Perqui- 
mans and  Pasquotank.12  These  illegally-emancipated  slaves 
were  promptly  seized  and  sold  into  slavery,  whereupon  the 
Quakers  brought  suit  in  the  Superior  Court  of  the  Edenton 
District  for  the  purpose  of  testing  the  legality  of  the  seizure  and 
sale  of  the  negroes.  The  Superior  Court  held  that  the  slaves  had 
been  unlawfully  deprived  of  their  liberties,  and  as  a  result  of 
the  decision  of  the  Court  many  of  the  negroes,  in  question,  were 
again  set  at  liberty.13     In  order  to  silence  any  further  contro- 


9  20  N.  0.,  21. 

10  Revisal  of   1804,   eh.    24,   p.   66. 

11  Weeks'    Southern    Quakers    and    Slavery,    pp.    209-210. 
a  Ibid. 

13  Remarks    on   Slavery,    by   John    Parrish,    p.    210    (Weeks    Collection). 


8  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

versy,  the  legislature  of  1779  passed  a  law  confirming  the  sale 
of  illegally-liberated  slaves.14 

The  Quakers  were  ever  the  unrelenting  foes  of  slavery  and 
they  never  lost  an  opportunity  to  impress  upon  the  people  of 
the  State  their  conception  of  the  iniquity  of  slave  holding.  They 
petitioned  the  legislature  in  1790  to  the  end  that  the  law  of 
1741  be  repealed  and  an  act  passed  "whereby  the  free  citizens 
of  this  State,  who  are  conscientiously  scrupulous  of  holding 
slaves  may  legally  emancipate  them,  etc.."15 

Due  probably  to  the  Santo  Domingo  revolt  in  1791,  a  law 
was  passed  requiring  any  and  all  free  persons  of  color  who 
"shall  come  into  this  State  by  land  or  water  or  shall  hereafter 
be  emancipated"  to  give  bond  in  the  sum  of  £200,  such  bond  to 
be  held  as  surety  for  the  good  behavior  of  the  sojourning  negro.16 

Emancipation  came  to  be  quite  onerous  in  1801,  when  the 
legislature  passed  a  law17  placing  a  further  restriction  on  eman- 
cipators by  requiring  them  to  enter  into  bond  "in  the  sum  of 
£100  for  each  slave  so  liberated."  Undoubtedly  the  law  was 
disregarded  in  a  great  many  instances.  For  example,  we  find 
in  the  case  of  Sampson  vs.  Burgwin18  that  a  county  court  eman- 
cipated a  slave  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  meritorious  serv- 
ice was  not  alleged.  The  Supreme  Court  held  that  an  eman- 
cipation of  that  kind  was  valid  because  the  county  court  had 
exclusive  jurisdiction.  Justice  Ruffin  observes  in  the  case  of 
Sampson  vs.  Burgwin  that  the  non-enforcement  of  the  law  by 
the  county  courts  probably  resulted  in  a  transference  of  their 
jurisdiction  over  the  matter  of  emancipation  to  the  Superior 
Courts  in  1830. 

The  act  of  1796  did  not  require  a  petition  in  writing  in  order 
to  emancipate19 ;  accordingly  a  free  negro  could  not  always  show 
conclusively  that  he  had  been  legally  set  free.  The  Supreme 
Court,  however,  consistently  held  the  opinion  that  where  the 
people  had  quietly  permitted  a  negro  to  enjoy  his  or  her  freedom 


"Weeks'    Southern    Quakers    and    Slavery,   p.    210. 

15  Ibid.,   p.    221. 

10  Martin's    Bevisal,    eh.    16,    p.    79. 

17  Ibid.,   ch.    20,   p.    179. 

18  20   N.    O,    21. 

13  Stringer   vs.    Burcham,    34    N.    C,    43. 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina  9 

for  a  number  of  years  "every  presumption  is  to  be  made  in 
favor  of  his  or  her  actual  emancipation."20 

From  1801  to  1828,  notwithstanding  the  constant  fear  of  a 
negro  insurrection,  the  active  work  of  the  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society  and  the  persistent  efforts  of  the  Quakers  to  secure 
more  lenient  emancipation  laws,  there  was  a  period  of  compara- 
tive legislative  inactivity  with  reference  to  the  free  negro.  In 
fact,  during  this  period  there  was  considerable  sentiment  in  the 
State  favoring  the  liberation  of  slaves,  thanks  to  the  work  of 
the  Colonization  Society  and  the  North  Carolina  Manumission 
Society. 

The  North  Carolina  Manumission  Society  was  organized  by 
the  Quakers  of  Guilford,  Chatham  and  Randolph  counties  in 
1816,  and  remained  in  existence  for  more  than  twenty  years ; 
however  it  did  its  most  efficient  work  and  had  its  largest  mem- 
bership between  the  years  1825-1830.  Among  other  things,  it 
investigated  cases  of  kidnapping,  helped  to  raise  the  necessary 
money  for  purchasing  slaves,  and  used  its  influence  to  obtain 
more  lenient  emancipation  laws.21.  The  Manumission  Society 
was  very  active  in  sending  slaves  to  free  territory  to  be  set 
free.  In  1826  two  boat  loads  of  negro  slaves  were  sent  to 
Africa22  and  in  1828  the  Society  sent  119  negroes  to  Haiti.  So 
many  negro  slaves  were  sent  to  Illinois  and  Indiana  by  the 
Manumission  Society  that  these  States  became  alarmed  and  en- 
acted very  stringent  laws  against  admitting  free  negroes.23 

Another  interesting  feature  of  the  benevolent  work  of  the 
Quakers  deserves  special  mention.  On  account  of  the  rigidity 
of  the  emancipation  laws,  the  Quakers  devised  a  scheme  by  which 
"Certain  parties  were  authorized  to  act  as  agents  and  receive 
certain  consignments  of  slaves  from  masters  who  wished  to  be 
rid  of  them."24  While  these  slaves  were  under  the  tutelage  of 
the  Quakers  they  were  virtually,  though  not  nominally  free.  They 
were  held  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  being  transported  to 


20  Stringer    vs.    Burcham,    34    N.    C,    43. 

21  Trinity  Historical  Papers,  Vol.   10,   p.   48. 

22  Ibid.,   Vol.    10,    p.    36. 

2"  Weeks'    Southern   Quakers   and  Slavery,   p.    232. 
24  Trinity   Historical   Papers,   Vol.    10,    p.    37. 


10  James  Sprttnt  Historical  Publications 

free  territory  and  there  set  free.  In  1826  the  Quakers  were 
caring  for  600  slaves.25  From  1825  to  1830  the  slave  holders  of 
North  Carolina  placed  in  the  hands  of  Quakers  hundreds  of 
slaves  on  condition  of  their  removal  to  Liberia.26  Much  of  this 
work,  however,  was  undertaken  in  conjunction  with  the  Amer- 
ican Colonization  Society. 

The  Supreme  Court  held  in  the  case  of  Trustees  vs.  Dicken- 
son27 that  the  trustees  of  "the  Religious  Society  and  Congre- 
gation, usually  known  by  the  name  of  Quakers",  had  a  right 
to  receive  and  hold  property  for  its  own  benefit,  but  it  could 
not  hold  property  in  trust  for  another.  The  Court  held  that 
nothing  was  wanting  to  make  the  condition  under  which  Quakers 
held  slaves  complete  emancipation  except  the  name.  This  deci- 
sion was  rendered  in  1827  and  did  much  to  interrupt  the  work 
of  the  Religious  Society  and  Congregation  of  the  Friends  in 
their  efforts  to  abolish  slavery. 

One  would  not  be  justified  in  assuming  that  the  numerous 
negro  insurrections  in  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  were  pri- 
marily responsible  for  the  legislative  enactment  concerning  free 
negroes  in  1830;  nevertheless  these  outbreaks  on  the  part  of  the 
negroes,  no  doubt,  influenced  the  action  of  the  legislature.  It  is 
more  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  abolition  movement  which 
reached  the  State  certainly  by  183028  was  a  more  direct  cause. 
There  is  a  popular  conception  abroad  that  the  Southampton  Re- 
bellion in  Virginia  was  largely  responsible  for  the  stringent  anti- 
free  negro  legislation  of  the  year  1830.  Strangely  enough,  the 
negro  uprising  in  Sampson  and  Duplin  counties  took  place  in 
1831,29  and  the  Southampton  Rebellion  occurred  in  the  same  year. 
The  Southampton  Rebellion  marks  a  pronounced  change  in  the 
policy  of  Virginia  towards  the  free  negro,30  but  so  far  as  is  ascer- 
tainable, only  one  law  of  any  importance  (that  which  forbade 
negroes  to  preach)31  was  enacted  in  North  Carolina  as  a  direct 
consequence  of  the  Southampton  Rebellion. 


25  Atlantic   Monthly,   January,    1886. 
20  12    N.    C,    190. 

27  Johns  Hopkins  Studies,  Vol.   27,    p.    189. 

28  Atlantic   Monthly,   January,    1886. 
29Tarborough    Free   Press,    Sept.    20,    1831. 

30  Johns   Hopkins   Studies,   Vol.    31,    p.    452. 

31  Revisal  of   1855,   ch.    107,   p.   576. 


The  Fkee  Negro  in  North  Carolina  \\ 

As  1832  marks  the  turning  point  in  Virginia's  policy  towards 
the  free  persons  of  color,  just  so  the  year  1830  marks  the  be- 
ginning of  a  pronounced  change  of  policy  in  North  Carolina. 
Sweeping  aside  all  laws  and  clauses  of  laws  to  the  contrary,  the 
legislature  of  1830  passed  a  law,  which  on  account  of  its  signifi- 
cance is,  I  quoted,  verbatim : 

"Any  inhabitant  of  this  State  desirous  of  emancipating  a  slave  shall 
file  a  petition  in  writing  with  the  Superior  Court,  setting  forth  name,  sex 
and  age  of  said  slave  and  praying  permission  to  emancipate.  The  Court 
shall  grant  permission  on  the  following  conditions :  Petitioner  shall  show 
that  he  gave  public  notice  of  his  intended  action  six  weeks  prior  in  the 
State  Gazette  and  at  county  courthouse.  Petitioner  shall  enter  into  bond 
with  two  good  securities  payable  to  State  of  North  Carolina  in  the  sum 
of  $1,000  for  each  slave."32 

The  bond,  of  course,  was  required  for  the  good  conduct  of 
the  slaves  as  long  as  they  remained  in  the  State,  and  to  insure 
their  departure  from  the  State  within  ninety  days  after  eman- 
cipation became  effective,  never  to  return.33  On  the  same  terms 
any  person  could  emancipate  his  or  her  slaves  by  will.34 

It  is  further  provided  (Sec.  4)  that  any  one  could  law- 
fully emancipate  any  slave  over  fifty  years  of  age  upon  petition 
filed  and  order  of  the  Superior  Court,  by  satisfying  the  Court 
that  said  slave  had  performed  meritorious  services  and  giving 
bond  in  the  sum  of  $500.  In  all  cases  if  an  emancipated  slave 
returned  to  the  State  he  could  be  arrested  and  sold,  or  if  he 
failed  to  leave  the  State  the  same  fate  awaited  him.  Action 
could  also  be  brought  against  the  bond  of  the  emancipator  and 
the  recovery  applied  to  the  support  of  the  poor.35  The  claims 
of  creditors  had  to  be  satisfied  before  emancipation  was  com- 
plete, since  no  emancipation  could  work  to  invalidate  such  claims. 
This  law  remained  in  force  until  the  actual  emancipation  of  all 
slaves  in  North  Carolina  took  place;  however  at  least  one  of  its 
most  drastic  features  was  frequently  evaded,  as  I  shall  take  oc- 
casion to  show  later. 


32  Revisal  of  1837,   cli.   Ill,   p.   585. 

33  Ibid.,  eh.   Ill,  p.   585. 

34  Ibid.,   ch.    Ill,    p.    585. 

35  Revisal   of   1837,    eh.    Ill,   p.    586. 


12  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

The  law  of  1830  makes  three  notable  changes  in  the  old  pro- 
cess of  emancipation:  (1)  the  substitution  of  perpetual  exile  for 
meritorious  service  for  all  slaves  under  the  age  of  fifty  years, 
(2)  the  requirement  of  a  written  petition,  and  (3)  a  transfer 
of  jurisdiction  from  the  county  courts  to  the  Superior  Courts 
of  the  State.  Despite  the  apparent  severity  of  the  law  govern- 
ing manumission  Booker  T.  Washington  in  his  book,  "The 
Story  of  the  Negro",  says  that  the  conditions  and  laws  relative 
to  the  Negro  in  North  Carolina  were  more  lenient  than  those  of 
any  other  Southern  State.  With  the  exception  of  a  law  passed 
in  1861  which  forbade  the  emancipation  of  slaves  by  will36  there 
was  no  further  legislation  in  North  Carolina  with  reference  to 
the  emancipation  of  slaves. 

We  thus  see  that  the  State  discouraged  the  practice  of  manu- 
mitting slaves  by  making  it  both  expensive  and  troublesome. 
The  only  way  out  of  the  difficulty  was  to  send  slaves  out  of  the 
State  to  be  set  free.  Such  action  was  perfectly  legitimate,  pro- 
vided the  act  was  done  with  the  bona  fide  intention  that  they 
should  remain  out  of  the  State,37  and  in  the  case  of  Redding 
vs.  Long38  the  Court  held  that  "a  deed  conveying  slaves  to  one 
in  trust  for  the  grantor  during  her  life  and  then  to  send  them 
to  Liberia  or  some  other  free  State  .  .  .  after  grantor's 
death  is  not  against  the  provisions  or  policy  of  our  statutes  on 
the  subject  of  slavery." 

Occasionally  the  legislature  assumed  the  responsibility  of 
emancipating  certain  slaves,39  but  aside  from  the  regular,  vol- 
untary method  of  setting  slaves  free  without  remuneration,  many 
negroes  bought  their  freedom  for  a  specified  sum  of  money.  It 
frequently  happened  that  an  especially  industrious  and  ambi- 
tious negro  slave  hired  his  time  of  his  master  for  a  stipulated 
amount  of  money,  and  all  he  made  in  excess  of  that  amount  was 
set  aside  as  a  redemption  fund.  Lunsford  Lane  brought  his  free- 
dom in  this  manner.40 


30  Laws   of  North   Carolina,   Session   1860-61,   ch.   36,    p.    69. 

37  Green  vs.   Long,   43   N.   C,    70. 

38  34    Jones    Equity,    216. 

S9Laws,    1854-55,    ch.    108,    pp.    89-90. 
40  Hawkins,   Life  of  Lunsford  Lane. 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina  13 

It  seems  to  be  a  demonstrable  fact  that  when  a  slave  owner 
voluntarily  set  his  slaves  free  without  remuneration,  they  were 
usually  sent  to  free  territory  but  instances  can  be  multiplied  of 
negroes  who  bought  their  freedom  and  remained  in  the  State, 
the  law  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  Sam  Morphis,  a  free 
negro  of  Chapel  Hill,  who  earned  his  living  by  driving  a  hack, 
bought  his  freedom  and  continued  to  live  in  Chapel  Hill.41 
Dave  Moore,  another  slave,  bought  his  freedom  and  re- 
mained at  Chapel  Hill.42  Thomas  Gosset,  a  slave  black- 
smith of  Guilford  county,  bought  his  freedom  of  his  master 
about  the  year  1850  and  remained  on  the  same  plantation.43  It 
was  not  an  uncommon  thing  for  a  negro  slave  to  buy  his  own 
freedom  and  then  bargain  for  and  procure  the  freedom  of  his 
wife  and  children  by  the  labor  of  his  hands. 

POLITICAL  RIGHTS 

As  Judge  Gaston  pointed  out,  in  the  celebrated  case  of  State 
vs.  Manuel44,  that  under  the  British  Colonial  Government  in 
Carolina  there  were  only  two  classes  of  people  recognized  by 
the  law ;  namely,  citizens  and  aliens.  It  necessarily  followed  that 
the  native-born  free  negro  was  by  the  principle  of  jus  soli  a 
native-born  citizen  of  the  State.  The  fact  that  he  was  a  citizen, 
however,  did  not  necessarily  entitle  him  to  exercise  the  privilege 
of  the  franchise  except  by  sufferance  on  the  part  of  the  dom- 
inant race.  While  political  discrimination  against  the  free  per- 
son of  color  during  pre-revolutionary  times  was  not  so  pro- 
nounced as  it  was  in  1835,  we  find  very  little  evidence  which 
tends  to  show  that  the  free  negroes  and  mulattoes  voted  to 
any  considerable  extent  prior  to  the  Revolutionary  War. 

In  the  instructions  of  the  Proprietors  to  the  Governor  of  the 
Province  in  1667,  he  was  ordered  to  hold  an  election  in  which 
all  freemen  should  help  to  choose  members  of  the  Assembly.  This 
order  on  the  part  of  the  Proprietors  was  modified  in  173445  so 
that  none  but  free  holders  could  vote;  but  not  until  1760  was 

41  Information  from  Mr.  John  Huskey,   an  old  citizen  of  Chapel  Hill. 

42  This   was   also   told   me   by   Mr.    Huskey. 

43  J.   J.    Brittain,    Box   144,    Salem   Station,   Winston-Salem,    N.    C. 

44  20   N.    C,    144. 

45  0.    R.,   Vol.    1,    p.    167. 


14  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

a  free  holder  defined.46  In  that  year  a  freeholder  was  defined 
to  be  a  person  "who  bona  fide,  hath  an  estate  real  for  his  own 
life-time  or  for  the  life  of  another,  etc."  The  prescription  of  the 
property  qualification  for  voting  served  to  deprive  the  indigent 
free  negro  of  the  franchise.  One  would  hardly  feel  safe  in  say- 
ing that  the  free  person  of  color  voted  regularly  prior  to  1760. 
In  a  petition  of  the  colonists  to  the  crown  in  170347  it  was  re- 
cited that  in  the  election  to  choose  members  of  the  General 
Assembly  "all  sorts  of  people,  even  servants,  negroes,  aliens, 
Jews  and  common  sailors  were  admitted  to  vote  in  elections." 
In  regard  to  this  election,  it  is  said  that  "it  was  conducted  with 
very  great  partiality  and  injustice," — the  inference  being  that 
it  was  an  uncommon  occurrence  for  negroes  to  vote. 

The  framers  of  our  State  Constitution  of  1776,  imbued  with 
exalted  notions  concerning  the  rights  of  man,  provided  that 
every  freeman  with  a  freehold  of  fifty  acres  could  vote  for  mem- 
bers of  the  State  Senate,  and  that  every  freeman  who  had  paid 
public  taxes  could  vote  for  members  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
Of  course,  under  the  terms  of  this  section  of  the  Constitution  a 
free  negro  was  entitled  to  vote ;  but  it  is  hardly  fair  to  assume 
that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  were  especially  solicitous 
concerning  the  political  privileges  of  the  free  negro  when  they 
gave  the  ballot  to  all  freemen. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  negro  vote  in  the  State 
was  practically  negligible  except  in  a  few  counties,  such  as 
Halifax,48  white  people  came  more  and  more  to  resent  the  par- 
ticipation of  the  free  negroes  in  politics.  They  had  been  dis- 
franchised in  the  neighboring  States,  Virginia  having  disfran- 
chised her  free  negroes  in  172349 ;  consequently  North  Carolina 
in  1835  was  the  only  one  of  the  slaveholding  states  that  allowed 
the  free  negro  to  exercise  the  franchise.  Lacking  in  intelligence 
and  correspondingly  venal,  the  free  negro's  support  of  any  as- 
pirant for  political  office  finally  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  sort 
of  reproach  to  the  candidate.50     It  was  asserted  in  the  Con- 


46  Ibid.,   Vol.    4,    p.    3. 
"Ibid.,   Vol.    1,    p.    639. 

48  Political   Science    Quarterly,    Dec,    1894,    p.    626. 

49  Johns  Hopkins  Studies,  Vol.   31,  p.  418. 

50  Atlantic    Monthly,    January,    1886. 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina  15 

vention  of  1835  that  the  negro  vote  could  be  bought  with  "a 
little  to  drink  .  .  .  like  a  lot  of  poultry."51  It  is  claimed 
that  the  free  negroes  lost  the  franchise  in  Granville  county  by 
persistently  supporting  Robert  Potter.  Robert  Potter  was  a 
notorious  politician  who  later  disgraced  himself  by  committing 
"a  brutal  mayhem  upon  two  of  his  wife's  relatives."52 

Indicative  of  the  general  attitude  of  the  white  people  toward 
the  negro  is  an  act  of  the  legislature  of  1832, — "an  act  to  vest 
the  right  of  electing  the  clerks  of  the  County  and  Superior 
Courts  in  the  several  counties  in  this  State  in  the  free  white 
men  thereof.53  No  mention  is  made  of  the  free  negro  as  being 
a  qualified  voter  in  this  election. 

In  1835  there  were  300  colored  voters  in  Halifax  county, 
150  in  Hertford,  50  in  Chowan,  and  75  in  Pasquotank.54  Of 
course,  there  were  colored  voters  in  many  other  counties  of  the 
State;  however  the  free  negro  was  not  a  regular  voter  in  many 
western  counties,  notably  Iredell.  Mr.  King,  of  Iredell,  could 
not  recall  that  a  free  negro  had  ever  voted  in  his  county.55 

Many  broad-minded  men  in  the  Convention  saw  and  pointed 
out  the  injustice  of  depriving  the  free  negro  of  the  franchise 
when  "he  possessed  the  same  property  and  other  qualifications 
required  of  other  citizens,"56  and  to  correct  this  injustice 
amendments  were  offered  which  excepted  the  property-owning 
class  from  the  general  operation  of  the  law  disfranchising  free 
negroes.  The  amendments  were  defeated  by  a  small  majority. 
In  the  main,  we  may  say  that  the  colored  voter  was  disfranchised 
on  grounds  of  expedience  rather  than  upon  the  grounds  of 
abstract  right. 

CIVIL  RIGHTS 

Before  the  establishment  of  an  independent  state  govern- 
ment in  1776,  not  many  laws  were  enacted  which  abridged  the 
civil  rights  of  the  free  negro.  As  a  British  subject  he  was  re- 
quired to  pay  the  same  tithes  as  the  other  inhabitants  of  the 

61  Debates   in    Convention,    1835. 

52  Wheeler,    Reminiscences,    p.    184. 

53  Hoke    vs.    Henderson,    15    N.    C,    1. 

M  Political   Science    Quarterly,    December,    1894,    p.    676. 

55  Debates   in   Convention,    1835,    p.    353. 

56  Ibid.,   p.    356. 


16  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Province.57  In  1746  "all  negroes  and  nmlattoes  bond  and  free 
to  the  third  generation  (extended  to  the  fourth  in  1776)  were 
disqualified  to  appear  as  witnesses  in  any  cause  whatsoever, 
except  against  each  other.58  This  law  was  never  repealed.  While 
the  law  protected  a  white  man  against  one  of  the  fatal  weak- 
nesses of  the  negro  mendacity,  it  undoubtedly  gave  to  white 
people  an  undue  advantage  over  their  incompetent  neighbor, 
the  free  negroes. 

About  1787  a  series  of  laws  were  enacted  regulating  the  con- 
duct of  free  persons  of  color.  For  instance,  they  were  forbidden 
to  trade  with  slaves  in  property  of  any  kind59  under  penalty 
of  £10  or  three  months  in  prison,  they  were  forbidden  to  enter- 
tain any  slave  in  their  houses  during  the  Sabbath  or  between 
sunrise  and  sunset,60  and  in  the  towns  of  Wilmington,  Washing- 
ton, Edenton  and  Fayetteville  free  negroes  were  recpiired  to 
wear  a  badge  of  cloth  on  the  left  shoulder,  "and  written  there- 
on the  word  'Free'  ".  In  addition  they  had  to  register  with 
the  town  clerk  and  pay  a  fee  of  ten  shillings  three  days  after 
arrival  in  these  towns.61  These  laws  were  passed  for  the 
purpose  of  preventing  free  negroes  from  harboring  run- 
away slaves,  and  from  receiving  stolen  goods  from  slaves. 

The  first  law  making  it  a  criminal  offense  to  bring  slaves 
into  the  State  from  a  State  which  had  already  liberated  its 
slaves  was  enacted  1786.62  The  law  fixed  a  penalty  of  £50  for 
each  slave  brought  in,  such  fine  to  take  the  form  of  a  bond 
as  security  for  the  removal  of  said  slave  to  the  place  from 
whence  he  came.  A  similar  law  was  passed  in  1826,63  by  virtue 
of  which  a  free  negro  was  forbidden  to  enter  the  State  of  his 
own  accord  under  penalty  of  $500  or  a  period  of  ten  years  in 
servitude.  A  period  of  twenty  days  was  given  the  intruder  in 
which  to  leave  the  State.  This  law  was  passed  upon  recom- 
mendation of  Governor  Gabriel  Holmes,  who  became  alarmed 
at  the  return  of  a  large  of  free  negroes  from  Haiti,  at  which 


ET£.    R.,   Vol.    23,    p.    262. 

ssIbid.,  p.    262. 

69  S.   R.,   Vol.    24,    p.    956. 

60  Ibid.,   p.    891. 

01  Ibid.,   pp.    728-729. 

62  Martin's  Revisal,   ch.   6,   p.   414. 

63  Laws  of  North   Carolina,   Session  of   1828-29,   ch.    34,   p.   21. 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina  17 

place  they  had  become  inoculated  with  ideas  of  freedom.  The 
Virginia  legislature  passed  a  law  in  1806,  banishing  all  free  ne- 
groes thereafter  set  free,64  many  of  whom  came  to  North  Car- 
olina; however  no  action  was  taken  at  that  time  to  prevent  the 
free  negroes  from  Virginia  from  entering  the  State.  In 
order  to  protect  the  free  negro  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  liberty, 
the  State  legislature  made  the  act  of  kidnapping  and  selling  a 
free  negro  into  slavery  in  another  state  a  capital  offense  without 
benefit  of  clergy,65  but  on  account  of  the  law  which  forbade  a 
negro  to  testify  against  a  white  man,  it  was  frequently  difficult 
to  prove  a  man  guilty  of  kidnapping.  A  rather  singular  fea- 
ture of  the  law  was  that  the  penalty  for  stealing  and  selling  a 
free  negro  within  the  bounds  of  the  State  could  not  exceed  a 
fine  of  $1,000  or  imprisonment  for  more  than  18  months. 

The  legislature  of  1830,  not  satisfied  with  the  task  of  mak- 
ing manumission  more  difficult,  proceeded  to  restrict  the  move- 
ments of  those  negroes  already  free  by  ordering  that  no  free 
negro  could  return  to  this  state  after  being  absent 
for  a  period  of  ninety  days  or  more.66  Provision  was 
made  for  providential  hindrance.  This  law  served  a  double 
purpose;  namely,  it  was  a  means  of  getting  rid  of  an  undesir- 
able element  of  the  population,  and  in  the  second  place  it  pre- 
vented the  dissemination  of  radical  ideas  concerning  freedom 
which  itinerant  negroes  might  bring  back  from  the  North  by 
reason  of  having  come  in  contact  with  abolitionists. 

For  the  purpose  of  protecting  a  free  person  of  color  in  the 
enjoyment  of  his  property,  the  legislature  extended  the  law 
respecting  insolvent  debtors  to  free  persons  of  color.67  This 
law  was  repealed  in  1841.68  In  the  same  year  (1841)  the  rating 
of  a  free  negro  with  respect  to  citizenship  was  further  dis- 
counted by  the  enactment  of  a  law  which  excluded  him  from 
the  ranks  of  the  State  militia  except  in  the  capacity  of  musi- 
cian.69    A   rather  singular  situation   prevailed.      Here   was   a 


64  Johns   Hopkins   Studies,   Vol.    31,    p.    418. 

65  Martin's  Revisal,   ch.    11,    Laws   of    1779. 
60  Eevisal   of    1837,    ch.    34,    p.    208. 

07  Laws    of   North    Carolina,    Sesssion    of    1841,    ch.    30,    p.    61. 

68  Revisal  of   1855,    ch.    802,   p.    1196. 

69  Revisal  of  1855,   ch.   828,   p.   1218. 


18  James   Sprunt   Historical   Publications 

class  of  people  who  paid  public  taxes  and  voted,  but  were  not 
allowed  to  bear  arms  in  defense  of  their  State. 

On  account  of  the  difficulty  of  collecting  taxes  from  many- 
free  negroes,  due  to  the  fact  that  they  had  very  little  property 
which  could  be  levied  on,  the  General  Assembly  in  1828  re- 
quired a  person  on  whose  land  free  negroes  resided  to  "pay  a 
poll  tax  on  the  same  residing  there  with  their  consent."70  By 
act  of  the  legislature  of  1831,  when  a  free  person  of  color  was 
convicted  of  a  criminal  offense  and  was  unable  to  pay  the  fine, 
he  should  be  hired  out  to  any  person  who  would  pay  the  fine  in 
exchange  for  the  negro's  services  for  the  shortest  length  of 
time — not  to  exceed  five  years.71 

In  1838  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  North  Carolina 
the  constitutionality  of  one  of  the  special  laws  applicable  to 
a  particular  class  of  so-called  citizens  was  tested  in  the  case  of 
State  vs.  Manuel.72  Manuel,  a  free  negro  of  Sampson  county, 
was  convicted  of  assault  and  battery  and  fined  $20.00  by  the 
court.  Upon  declaring  his  inability  to  pay  the  fine,  he  was 
sentenced  to  be  hired  out  according  to  law;  whereupon  he  took 
an  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  North  Carolina.  Judge 
Gaston  in  a  lengthy  and  able  opinion  stated  two  important  prin- 
ciples :  (1)  that  the  free  person  of  color  was  a  citizen  of  North 
Carolina,  and  (2)  that  the  law  requiring  free  negroes  to  be 
hired  out  in  certain  cases  was  constitutional.  It  had  been  argued 
with  much  show  of  reason  in  the  Convention  of  1835  that  the 
free  negro  was  not  a  citizen,  mainly  for  the  reason  that  he  was 
not  free  to  move  from  State  to  State.  Setting  aside  this  argu- 
ment, Judge  Gaston  demonstrated  that  the  right  of  suffrage  did 
not  necessarily  accompany  citizenship.  After  postulating  that 
"all  free  persons  born  within  the  State  are  born  citizens  of  the 
State,"  he  proceeded  to  show  that  the  removal  of  the  disability 
of  slavery  would  automatically  work  to  make  a  citizen  of  a 
slave  born  within  the  State.  He  justified  the  unusual  mode  of 
punishment  prescribed  for  a  particular  class  of  citizens  on  the 
ground  that  the  legislation  was  given  a  large  grant  of  power 
in  the  suppression  of  crime,  and  by  reason  of  this  fact  it  could 

70  Laws  of  North  Carolina,  Session  1828-29,  ch.  34,  p.  21. 
KRevisal  of  1837,   ch.   Ill,   pp.   591-592. 
"20   N.    C,    144. 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina  19 

discriminate  as  between  different  classes  of  citizens,  for  what 
wonld  constitute  a  punishment  for  one  class  of  citizens  might 
not  be  a  punishment  for  another. 

On  the  case  of  State  vs.  Newson73  which  was  decided  in  1844, 
the  constitutionality  of  the  law  forbidding  free  negroes  to  own 
or  carry  weapons  was  tested.  Judge  Nash,  who  rendered  the 
opinion  of  the  Court,  took  occasion  to  refer  to  the  case  of  State 
vs.  Manuel,  saying  in  part,  that  the  hiring  out  of  free  negroes 
introduced  a  different  mode  of  punishment  in  the  case  of  a 
colored  man  and  a  white  man  for  the  same  offense,  thereby  in- 
ferring that  such  punishment  was  in  contravention  of  the  third 
article  of  our  State  Constitution,  which  forbids  the  granting  of 
"exclusive  or  separate  emolument  .  .  .  but  in  considera- 
tion of  public  services."  In  concluding  his  opinion  he  justified 
the  discriminating  character  of  the  laws  addressed  to  the  free 
negro  by  saying  that  they  "are  not  to  be  considered  citizens  in 
the  largest  sense  of  the  word." 

Notice  has  been  taken  of  the  fact  that  a  quietus  was  put  on 
negro  preachers  in  1831.  The  rights  of  the  free  person  of  color 
were  further  circumscribed  during  the  forties.  For  example, 
it  was  made  unlawful  to  sell  spiritous  liquors  to  such  people, 
except  on  prescription  of  practicing  physicians  for  medicinal 
purposes.74  The  marriage  of  a  free  negro  and  a  slave  was  abso- 
lutely prohibited  by  law,75  and  a  free  negro  was  not  allowed 
to  bear  arms  or  to  have  weapons  in  his  possession  unless  he 
had  a  license  from  the  Court  of  Pleas  and  Quarter  Sessions.76 
However  restrictive  this  legislation  may  appear,  it  is  not  com- 
parable to  many  laws  on  the  same  subject  enacted  in  Virginia. 
Free  negroes  could  not  own  slaves  in  North  Carolina  until 
1861. 77  They  were  not  only  forbidden  to  own  a  gun  in  Vir- 
ginia, but  they  were  likewise  forbidden  to  own  a  dog.78  After 
1832  free  negroes  were  not  allowed  benefit  or  trial  by  jury  in 
Virginia,  while  in  North  Carolina  this  fundamental  right  was 
never  abridged. 

73  27   N.    O,    250. 

74  Laws  of  North   Carolina,   Session   1858-59,   ch.    31fi  p.    71. 

75  Eevisal  of  1855,  ch.  107,  p.  577. 

76  Ibid.,  ch.   107,  p.   577. 

77  Laws   of   North    Carolina,    Session    1860-61,    ch.    37,    p.    69. 

78  Johns  Hopkins   Studies,  Vol.    31,   p.   418. 


20  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

One  might  seriously  inquire  as  to  what  remained  of 
the  civil  rights  of  the  hybrid  citizen,  known  in  legal  parlance  as 
the  free  person  of  color,  save  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  road 
duty,  and  the  poll  tax  requirement.  In  answer  to  this  inquiry, 
I  quote  a  portion  of  Governor  Graham's  letter  to  Holderby 
written  in  1866 : 

Free  negroes  have  always  been  regarded  as  freemen  in  North  Caro- 
lina, and  as  such,  entitled  to  the  privilege  of  habeas  corpus,  trial  by 
jury,  ownership  of  property,  even  slaves,  to  prosecute  and  defend  suits  in 
courts  of  justice  .  .  .  and  to  prove  by  their  own  oath,  even  against 
white  men  accounts  to  the  amount  of  sixty  dollars  for  work  and  labor  done 
on  goods  sold  under  the  Book  Debit  Law.79 

To  the  foregoing  let  me  add  an  excerpt  from  Governor 
Worth's  message  to  the  General  Assembly  in  1866: 

Such  rights  as  were  accorded  to  the  free  colored  people  of  North 
Carolina  were  ever  most  scrupulously  observed  and  maintained.  For 
ages  it  had  been  a  most  ignominous  offense  to  kidnap  .  .  .  or  to  en- 
deavor to  enslave  a  person  of  African  descent  who  was  free.  .  .  . 
In  all  criminal  accusations  tried  by  jury,  he  was  allowed  the  rights  of 
challenge  and  other  safeguards  of  the  common  law.  Property  was  acquired 
and  held  by  them  with  all  the  privileges  of  transfer,  devise  and  descent.80 

After  all  has  been  said,  the  lot  of  the  free  negro  in  North 
Carolina  was  a  hard  one.  He  had  very  little  to  strive  for — no 
high  and  worthy  goal  spurred  his  ambition.  The  avenues  of 
opportunity  were  closed  by  legal  and  social  restrictions ;  conse- 
quently he  passed  among  the  white  people  for  a  sort  of  worth- 
less incubus  on  society.  Had  the  old  slavery  regime  survived 
a  few  years  longer  it  is  probable  that  all  the  free  negroes  would 
have  been  compelled  to  leave  the  State,  or  at  least  an  attempt 
to  expel  them  would  have  been  made.  During  the  session  of  the 
legislature  of  1858-59  two  bills,  one  originating  in  the  House 
and  the  other  in  the  Senate,  were  introduced,  providing  for  the 
removal  from  the  State  of  all  free  persons  of  color  by  January 
1,  1860,  or  the  enslavement  of  those  who  remained. 


n  The  Daily  Sentinel,  February   8,    1866. 

S0Ibid.,  January  20,    1866. 

81  Bills  found  in  the  Weeks  Collection,  U.  N.  C.  Library. 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina  21 

SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  STATUS 

{""Socially  the  free  negro  was  supposed  to  take  a  little  higher 
rank  than  the  slave ;  however  not  every  slave  would  acknowledge 
the  social  supremacy  of  his  free  brother3  The  attitude  of  envy 
and  sometimes  of  contempt  for  the  "old  issue,"  as  the  free 
negro  was  commonly  called,  was  probably  encouraged  by  the 
slave  owners,  who  wished  to  discourage  the  association  of  the 
two  classes  of  negroes.  It  has  already  been  noted  that  free  ne- 
groes were  finally  absolutely  forbidden  to  many  slaves,  and 
amongst  other  laws  designed  to  prevent  a  too  great  intimacy  be- 
tween free  negroes  and  slaves,  there  was  one  which  forbade 
them  to  gamble  with  one  another.82  In  spite  of  the  laws  de- 
signed to  prevent  social  intercourse  between  the  two  classes  of 
negroes,  there  was  a  great  deal  of  clandestine  association,  espe- 
cially in  the  towns.  Mr.  John  Huskey,  an  old  citizen  of  Chapel 
Hill,  recalls  the  time  when  the  magistrate's  court  in  Chapel  Hill 
was  crowded  with  offenders  against  the  gambling  law.S3  It  was 
a  common  occurrence  on  Monday  morning  to  see  a  group  of  these 
offenders  led  out  into  the  bushes  and  there  given  thirty-nine 
lashes.  The  relation  between  free  negroes  and  slaves  was  prob- 
ably more  cordial  in  the  towns  than  in  the  country.  Occasion- 
ally a  free  negro  married  a  slave,  and,  indeed,  a  slave  wife  was 
often  preferred  on  account  of  the  fact  that  she  was  supported 
by  her  master. 

Free  negroes  and  white  people  were,  of  course,  forbidden 
to  marry  on  any  terms  ;Si  at  the  same  time  there  are  many  well- 
known  instances  of  illicit  cohabitation  between  free  negro  men 
and  white  women.  0.  W.  Blacknall  tells  the  storyS5  of  a  white 
woman  in  Granville  county  who  contrived  to  circumvent  the 
law  prohibiting  her  marriage  to  her  negro  lover  by  having  a 
portion  of  his  blood  injected  into  her  veins.  She  could  then 
swear  that  she  had  negro  blood  in  her  veins.  The  free  negro 
women,  especially  the  single  ones,  were  mercenary,  and  the  fact 
that  55%   of  the  free  negro  population  of  North  Carolina  in 


82  Revised   of   1837,    ch.    Ill,    p.    5  90. 

85  A  considerable  number  of   free  negroes  lived  in   the  town   of   Chapel  Hill. 

84  Laws  of  North    Carolina,   Session    1830-31,   ch.   4,   p.    9. 

85  Atlantic   Monthly,   January,    1886. 


22  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

1860  consisted  of  mulattoes86  is  very  good  evidence  that  the 
moral  standard  of  many  white  men  was  decidedly  low. 

The  poor  white  man  was  ever  an  object  of  contempt  in  the 
sight  of  the  free  negro.  ' '  Big  white  folks  are  all  right,  but  poor 
white  folks  ain't  no  better  than  us  niggers."  Such  was  the 
general  opinion  the  colored  citizen  held  of  his  indigent  white 
neighbor. 

As  a  rule,  the  Quakers  were  much  more  cordial  in  their  re- 
lations with  the  free  people  of  color  than  was  any  other  element 
of  the  white  population  in  the  State.87  Rev.  J.  W.  Wellons, 
of  Elon  College,  N.  C,  relates  an  interesting  experience  he  had 
in  attempting  to  preach  to  a  group  of  free  negroes  in  Randolph 
county  many  years  before  the  Civil  War.  The  free  negroes  re- 
ferred to  were  known  as  Waldens.  They  owned  considerable 
land  and  were  withal  respectable  farmers.  The  Quakers  had  al- 
lowed them  to  sit  in  the  congregation  with  the  white  folks,  and 
also  to  come  to  the  white  "mourner's  bench."  On  the  par- 
ticular occasion  in  question,  Reverend  Mr.  Wellons  assigned 
them  a  certain  space  in  which  to  sit,  and  invited  them  to  a 
separate  "mourner's  bench,"  whereupon  they  became  insulted, 
raised  their  tents,  and  left  the  camp  meeting.  As  a  rule,  the 
free  negroes  did  not  attend  church,  possibly  for  the  reason  that 
in  nearly  all  the  churches  they  had  to  sit  with  the  slaves.88 

There  are  no  available  figures  which  show  the  percentage 
of  crime  and  criminals  among  the  free  colored  people  as  com- 
pared to  the  slaves.  The  fact  that  their  criminal  record  was 
sometimes  pointed  out  as  an  argument  against  the  general  eman- 
cipation of  slaves,  does  not  indicate  that  they  were  any  worse 
than  the  slaves.  The  slave  owners  always  regarded  the  free 
negro  with  suspicion  because  he  was  known  to  be  in  sympathy 
with  the  desire  of  the  slaves  to  be  free;  he  might  aid  slaves  in 
planning  a  revolt,  in  running  away  from  their  masters  and  in 
disposing  of  stolen  goods. 


86  Atlantic    Monthly,    January,     1886. 

87  Rev.  J.  W.   Wellons,   Elon   College,   N.   C.     Mr.   Wellons  witnessed  the  execution 
of  Nat  Turner  in   1831. 

88  Pleasant   Grove    Church   in   Randolph   county   contained    a    reservation    for    free 
negroes. 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina 


23 


A  glance  at  the  table  on  the  opposite  page  will  show  that  the 
counties  of  Halifax,  Wake,  Craven,  Robeson,  Granville  and  Pas- 
quotank had  the  heaviest  free  negro  population, — Halifax  lead- 
ing with  2,452.  Probably  the  largest  group  of  free  negroes  to  be 
found  in  North  Carolina  was  the  exclusive  "old  issue"  settle- 
ment known  far  and  wide  as  The  Meadows,  near  Ransom's 
Bridge  on  Fishing  Creek  in  Halifax  County.  The  people  still 
bear  the  appellation  "old  issue,"  and  are  heartily  detested  by 
the  well-to-do  negroes  in  the  adjoining  counties. 

The  United  States  Census  Reports  show  the  following  in- 
crease in  the  free  negro  population  of  North  Carolina,  beginning 

with  1790: 

1790  free  black  population    4,975 


1800 
1810 
1820 
1830 
1840 
1850 
1830 


,.  7,043 
,.10,266 
,.14,612 
..19,543 
..22,732 
..27,463 
.30,463 


In  1816  the  General  Assembly  of  North  Carolina  memorial- 
ized Congress  to  set  apart  "a  certain  portion  of  the  United 
States,  situate  on  the  Pacific  Ocean  for  an  asylum  for  persons 
of  color  .  .  .  heretofore  emancipated  or  shall  hereafter  be 
emancipated  under  the  laws  of  this  State  or  any  other  State.  "S9 
The  Federal  Government  was  to  provide  free  transportation. 
Of  course,  no  action  was  taken;  but  the  petition  throws  light 
on  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  North  Carolina  in  1816  with  ref- 
erence to  the  emancipated  negroes.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there 
never  was  a  time  that  the  people  of  North  Carolina  would  not 
have  rejoiced  to  see  a  wholesale  exodus  of  the  free  colored  pop- 
ulation from  the  State. 

The  pronounced  indolence  and  shiftlessness  of  the  free  negroes 
led  to  the  enactment  of  a  law  respecting  idleness  and  vagrancy 
among  this  class  of  people,  and  provided  for  the  hiring  out  of 
any  free  negro  convicted  of  idleness  for  a  term  of  service  and 
labor  not  to  exceed  three  years  for  any  single  offense.90 


Hovt,    Murphey    Papers,    p.    61. 
■  Eeinsal  of  1837,   ch.   Ill,   p.   588. 


24 


James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 


FREE  NEGROES  BY  COUNTIES  IN  NORTH  CAROLINA- 1860 


Alamance    422 

Alexander    24 

Alleghany    33 

Anson  152 

Ashe     142 

Bertie    319 

Bladen    435 

Brunswick   260 

Buncombe    Ill 

Burke    221 

Cabarrus    115 

Caldwell  114 

Camden    274 

Carteret  153 

Caswell    282 

Catawba    32 

Chatham    306 

Cherokee    38 

Chowan    150 

Cleveland    , 109 

Columbus    355 

Craven    1,332 

Cumberland    109 

Currituck     223 

Davidson    149 

Davie    161 

Duplin    371 

Edgecombe    389 

Forsyth    218 

Franklin    566 

Gaston    Ill 

Gates    361 

Granville    1,123 

Greene    154 

Guilford    693 

Halifax    2,452 

Harnett    103 

Haywood   14 

Henderson   85 

Hertford    1,112 

Hyde    257 

Iredell    26 


Jackson    6 

Johnston    195 

Jones    113 

Lenoir    178 

Lincoln    ...., 81 

McDowell    273 

Macon    115 

Madison  17 

Martin    451 

Mecklenburg   293 

Montgomery    46 

Moore    184 

Nash    687 

New  Hanover  640 

Northampton    659 

Orange    528 

Onslow   162 

Pasquotank   1,507 

Perquimans   395 

Person    318 

Pitt  127 

Polk    106 

Randolph 432 

Richmond    345 

Robeson   1,462 

Rockingham    409 

Rowan    136 

Rutherford    123 

Sampson    488 

Stanly    45 

Stokes    86 

Surry 184 

Tyrrell   143 

Union 53 

Wake    1,446 

Warren  402 

Washington  299 

Watauga    81 

Wayne    737 

Wilkes    261 

Wilson   281 

Yancey  67 


The  Free  Negro  in  North  Carolina  25 

How  did  the  free  negroes  employ  their  time?  "While  there 
were  exceptions,  the  majority  of  the  free  colored  people  hired 
themselves  to  work  for  white  people  for  a  daily  wage,  others 
became  blacksmiths,  tinkers,  barbers,  farmers,  small  merchants 
and  fiddlers.  In  almost  every  community  there  was  a  free  negro 
well-digger  or  ditcher.  Where  they  could  rent  land,  many  of 
them  attempted  farming  on  a  small  scale  in  connection  with 
their  work  as  wage  earners.  Free  negro  women  usually  made 
better  house  servants  than  slave  negro  women  and  were  conse- 
quently frequently  employed  in  that  capacity.91 

With  practically  no  education,  and  with  very  little  incentive 
to  accumulate  property  in  any  of  its  forms,  one  is  not  surprised 
to  learn  that  the  free  negroes,  in  the  words  of  an  old-timer, 
"never  amounted  to  much." 

This  paper  would  not  be  complete  without  reference  to  a 
few  notable  free  negroes  who  achieved  distinction  in  the  State 
and  nation.  Lunsford  Lane,  the  slave  of  Mrs.  Haywood,  of 
Raleigh,  bought  his  freedom  and  then  went  North  to  collect 
funds  with  which  to  buy  his  wife  and  children.  On  returning 
to  the  State,  he  began  to  negotiate  for  the  purchase  of  his  fam- 
ily, but  before  he  could  effect  their  release  from  bondage  he 
was  forced  to  leave  the  State.  Not  content  to  leave  his  wife 
and  children  in  North  Carolina,  he  came  back  a  second  time 
on  the  assurance  of  influential  friends  that  he  would  not  be 
molested.  Upon  his  arrival  in  Raleigh,  he  was  arrested,  tried 
and  acquitted  of  being  an  abolition  lecturer.  He  was  subse- 
quently tarred  and  feathered,  but  on  leaving  the  State  the  sec- 
ond time  he  carried  his  family.  He  later  became  famous  as  an 
abolition  lecturer.92 

John  Chavis  is  another  famous  free  negro.  He  was  a  regular 
ordained  minister  until  1832,  when  as  a  result  of  Nat  Turner's 
Rebellion,  all  colored  preachers  were  silenced.  After  1832  he 
followed  the  teaching  profession  with  signal  success,  conducting 
schools  in  Wake,  Chatham  and  Granville  counties,  and  num- 
bering among  his  pupils  such  prominent  men  as  Governor 
Charles  Manly,  Priestly  Mangum,  son  of  Senator  Mangum,  and 

91  Reverend  J.  W.  Wellons,   Elon  College,   N.   C. 

92  Hawkins,   Life   of  Lunsford  Lane. 


26  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Mr.  James  H.  Horner,  founder  of  the  Horner  School.  He  seems 
to  have  had  a  very  successful  theory  of  teaching  the  English  lan- 
guage, and  his  school  was  reputed  to  be  the  best  preparatory 
school  in  the  state  at  that  time.93 

John  C.  Stanley,  another  prominent  free  negro,  began  work 
as  a  barber  and  eventually  acquired  several  plantations  and 
sixty-four  slaves.94  Lewis  Sheridan,  a  successful  negro  farmer 
and  business  man,  the  owner  of  nineteen  slaves,  was  regarded 
by  Judge  Samuel  Wilkeson,  of  New  York,  as  a  man  of  high 
character,  moral  worth  and  mercantile  ability.95 

Other  free  negroes  worthy  of  special  mention  are  James  D. 
Sampson,  John  Good,  of  New  Bern,  and  Henry  Evans,  a  full- 
blooded  free  negro  from  Virginia,  a  shoemaker  by  trade,  who 
founded  the  Methodist  Church  in  Fayetteville  during  the  late 
eighteenth  century. 

After  taking  into  account  the  entire  policy  of  the  State  rela- 
tive to  the  free  negro — a  policy  characteristic  of  the  entire  South, 
one  feels  that  in  many  respects  it  was  a  mistaken  one.  For  in- 
stance, should  not  the  State  have  provided  for  the  education  and 
general  uplift  of  its  free  negroes?  While  there  were  no  laws  to 
prohibit  the  teaching  of  free  negroes,  the  State  did  not  adopt 
any  positive  measures  for  training  them  in  the  duties  of  citizen- 
ship ;  consequently  they  remained  for  the  most  part  in  abject 
and  vicious  ignorance.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  history  of 
reconstruction  in  North  Carolina  would  have  a  brighter  aspect 
had  there  been  an  enlightened  element  of  negroes  as  a  nucleus 
around  which  the  great  mass  of  freedmen  could  have  arrayed 
themselves.  Instead  of  being  led  by  carpet-baggers,  they  could 
have  had  the  leadership  of  conservative,  law-abiding  negroes, 
already  instructed  in  the  duties  of  citizenship. 


93  The    Southern    Workman,    February,    1914. 

94  Johns   Hopkins  Studies,  1899,   p.   360. 
85  Ibid.,  Vol.    37,    p.    35. 


SOME  COLONIAL  HISTORY  OF 
CRAVEN  COUNTY 


BY 
FRANCIS  H.  COOPER 


SOME  COLONIAL  HISTORY  OF  CRAVEN 
COUNTY 


Before  we  can  understand  or  know  the  history  of  one  county, 
it  is  necessary  to  have  a  general  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the 
colony  or  State.  So,  before  writing  the  history  of  Craven  county 
during  the  colonial  period,  I  deem  it  necessary  first  to  give  a 
brief  history  of  North  Carolina  before  1707. 

Carolina  before  1663  belonged  to  Sir  Robert  Heath,  who 
had  promised  to  help  settle  it.  He  did  not,  however,  make  any 
efforts  toward  settlement.  So  in  1663  Carolina  was  given  to 
eight  Lords  Proprietors,  who  were  to  settle  it  and  govern  the 
settlers  as  they  saw  fit.  These  proprietors  were  the  Duke  of 
Albemarle,  Lord  Craven,  Lord  Ashley;  Sir  John  Colleton,  Lord 
John  Berkley,  Sir  William  Berkley,  Lord  Clarendon,  and  Sir 
George  Carteret.  They  immediately  met  and  set  up  a  plan  of 
government  for  Carolina.  They  also  said,  and  had  it  made 
known  to  the  public,  "that  freedom  should  be  enjoyed  by  the 
colonists,  and  that  for  the  five  years  next  following  every  new 
settler  should  receive  one  hundred  acres  of  land,  and  fifty  in  ad- 
dition for  each  servant  that  he  brought  into  the  colony,  subject 
only  to  the  payment  of  a  half  penny  per  acre.  There  was  also 
entire  exemption  granted  from  the  payment  of  any  custom 
dues."2 

The  first  people  that  we  are  sure  settled  in  Carolina  came  in 
1656,  but  we  have  a  reason  to  believe  that  there  were  settlers  in 
Albemarle  before  then.  We  find  Roger  Green,  a  Clergyman, 
petitioning  for  and  obtaining  ten  thousand  acres  of  land  for 
the  first  one  hundred  persons  who  should  settle  themselves  on 
the  Roanoke  and  south  of  the  Chowan.3  This  was  in  the  year 
1653.  Again,  in  1651  we  find  a  party  of  the  people  who  lived 
south  of  Norfolk  making  an  entrance  by  the  Currituck  inlet, 
touring  Carolina.  First  they  explored  Roanoke  where  Raleigh's 
first  colony  was,  then  proceeded  to  the  Tuscarora  Indians,  whom 

1This  paper  was  awarded  the  second  prize  in  the  Colonial  Dames  contest  for  1916. 

2  Hawks,   History  of  North  Carolina,  p.   70. 

3  Hawks,  Vol.  II,  p.   70. 


30  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

they  attached  to  the  interest  of  the  English.  After  meeting  the 
Tuscaroras  they  journeyed  southward  and  came  in  contact  with 
the  Neuse,  Haynokes  and  Core  Indians,  who  dwelt  on  the  shores 
of  the  Pamlico  and  Neuse  rivers.4  It  is  probable  that  they  came 
inland  as  far  as  the  present  Craven,  or  Colonial  Craven  County. 
In  1660  the  people  from  New  England  attempted  to  settle 
on  the  Cape  Pear  River  but  failed.  In  1664  a  group  of  men 
landed  on  Cape  Fear  from  Barbados,  intending  to  make  it 
their  home,  but  they  were  also  unsuccessful.  At  this  time 
there  were  two  counties  in  Carolina,  Albemarle  County  on  the 
North  and  Clarendon  on  the  South,  including  the  Cape  Fear 
region.  Between  these  two  counties  there  was  a  region  including 
the  Neuse  and  Tar  Rivers,  later  known  as  Bath  County,  but 
at  this  time  unsettled  save  for  the  Indians  and  nearly 
equally  wild  northern  hunters.5  In  fact  I  have  been  able  to 
find  the  record  or  name  of  but  one  settler  in  the  territory  which 
later  became  Colonial  Craven  County  who  came  before  1707. 
That  one  was  Mr.  James  Blount,  who  came  from  Virginia  in 
1664.6  Although  he  is  the  only  one  we  know  of  directly  it  is 
certain  that  there  were  others  who  had  penetrated  from  Albe- 
marle or  had  come  from  Bermuda  and  settled  there  before  1707. 
In  1676  Thomas  Eastchurch  was  made  commander  in  chief  of. 
the  settlements  on  the  Pamlico  and  Neuse  rivers.  At  this  date 
undoubtedly  there  were  a  few  settlers  on  the  Neuse,  and  these 
were  stragglers  from  Albemarle.  Most  of  the  people  who 
settled  in  Carolina  before  1707  were  either  fugitives  of  religious 
persecution  from  New  England  and  Virginia,  or  were  fugitives 
of  the  law  who  came  from  Virginia  and  the  Bermudas  to  escape 
from  the  hand  of  justice.  Dr.  Hawks  says,  "The  region  south 
of  Albemarle  as  far  down  as  the  Neuse  and  Pamlico  derived  the 
larger  part  of  its  first  inhabitants  from  the  counties  between  the 
Sound  and  Virginia."7  But  before  these  commenced  their  mi- 
gration there  were  some  whites  there,  but  not  English.  Martin 
says  that  in  1690  the  French  Protestant  refugees  on  the  James 
River  bought  land  on  the  Pamlico  and  settled  there.     In  1698 

tlbld.,  p.    71. 

6  Ibid.,    p.    6. 

0  Wheeler's  Men  and  Memories  of  North  Carolina,  under  Craven  County. 

7  Hawks,   Vol.   II,   p.    84. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  31 

the  whites  from  Albemarle  made  settlements  on  the  Pamlico. 
The  Indians  in  that  region  just  before  the  whites  came  had  been 
killed  by  a  plague,  thought  to  have  been  the  smallpox.s  But 
with  all  these  settlements  there  were  but  about  5,000  whites  in 
North  Carolina  in  1698. 9  Soon  after  this  migration  in  1698 
to  the  Pamlico  River  the  English  settled  the  present  town  of 
Bath.  This  was  the  first  incorporated  town  in  the  prov- 
ince. Forty-two  years  had  elapsed  between  the  first  settlement 
and  the  first  town  in  North  Carolina.  This  was  due  largely 
to  the  fact  that  the  people  were  given  to  farming,  and  their 
products  were  delivered  directly  from  the  field  to  the  boat. 

In  1707  the  first  settlement  that  we  are  sure  of  was  made 
in  Craven  County.  A  colony  of  French  Huguenots,  encouraged  by 
William  III,  in  the  year  1690,  had  come  to  America  and  settled 
at  Manakin  Town,  Virginia,  above  the  falls  of  the  James  River. 
They  were  not  satisfied  with  the  land  that  they  first  occupied 
and  moved  southward,  one  group  in  1690,10  and,  as  we  have 
seen,  settled  on  the  Pamlico.  In  1707  another  group  moved 
southward  and  settled  on  the  Trent  and  Neuse  Rivers,  mostly 
on  the  Trent  in  Craven  county,  near  where  the  old  county 
bride  stood,11  which  was  not  over  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the 
site  of  the  present  bridge.  "With  these  French,  who  were  a 
sober,  frugal,  industrious  people,  and  who  in  a  short  time  became 
independent  citizens,  came  their  minister,  Phillipe  de  Riche- 
bourge.11  Some  of  his  decendants  still  live  in  the  county  of 
Buncombe.  And  Williamson  says  that  Rymbourg  came  with 
them,12  but  he  must  have  stopped  on  the  Pamlico.  After  a 
short  time  Richebourge,  with  a  portion  of  his  people,  proceeded 
farther  south  and  planted  himself  on  the  Santee  River,  where 
he  died. 

There  are  plainly  two  causes  that  brought  the  early  settlers 
to  North  Carolina.  First,  the  land  was  fertile  and  free ;  second, 
because  freedom  of  worship  was  promised.  Not  only  religious 
people  came  to  North  Carolina,  but  also  outlaws  and  debtors 


8  Ibid.,  p.   84. 

9  Ibid.,  p.    85. 

10  Williamson,    History   of   North    Carolina,   p.    178. 

"•Yass,    History   of   Presbyterian    Church   and    Craven    County,    p.    49. 
12  Williamson,   p.    178. 


32  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

came.  These  mixed  and  we  are  not  surprised  that  in  a  short 
time  we  do  not  find  the  settlers  of  North  Carolina  religious,  after 
having  adapted  themselves  to  a  new  country,  new  manners  and 
ways,  and  mixed  the  best  with  the  worst.  In  fact  they  had  ways 
of  their  own.  But  these  people  were  not  allowed  to  rest  in 
peace  long  before  an  attempt  was  made  to  persecute  them  in 
their  new  homes. 

As  we  have  seen,  Carolina  was  given  to  the  Lord  Proprietors 
and  they  promised  freedom  of  worship  to  settlers ;  also  Charles 
II  said,  "that  the  Church  of  England  should  be  the  church  of 
the  province.  Yet  that  toleration  should  be  allowed  to  all  other 
sects  so  long  as  they  did  not  trouble  the  government  or  insult 
the  Church."  These  were  the  intentions  of  the  Proprietors  and 
the  King,  but  they  were  unfortunate  in  picking  men  for  gov- 
ernors of  the  province. 

The  first  of  these  governors  that  I  shall  mention  was  Stephens, 
(1667).  He  did  not  try  to  force  the  English  Church  on  the 
people,  but  he  did  forbid  them  to  pay  debts  made  before  coming 
to  North  Carolina.  He  also  tried  to  force  "Locke's  Constitu- 
tion" on  them.  They  resisted  it,  however,  until  1775.  In  1677 
came  the  Culpepper  Revolt.  Then  came  the  rule  of  Seth  Sothel. 
He  broke  off  the  trade  with  the  Indians  for  his  own  private 
gain.  He  seized  and  confiscated  without  a  shadow  of  cause 
cargoes,  negroes,  cattle,  plantations,  and  even  pewter  dishes  were 
not  exempt  from  his  rapacious  hands.  He  upheld  men  of  his 
own  type,  and  there  was  no  justice  in  court.  In  1704  Governor 
Daniels  came  over.  He  was  determined  to  establish  the  Church 
of  England  in  the  Province  but  had  little  success.  He  was 
governor  only  one  year  before  Cary  came  as  governor.  Gary 
was  determined  to  rule  the  colony.  He  ruled  for  a  short  time 
when  Glover  came  over  as  governor.  He  did  not  intend  to  give 
up  his  office  and  he  brought  about  the  Cary  Rebellion,  which 
we  shall  touch  upon  later. 

In  1664  that  part  of  the  country  between  Albemarle  and 
Clarendon  was  made  into  a  county  by  the  name  of  Bath.  And 
in  1705  Bath  was  divided  into  three  precincts,  Craven  being  in- 
cluded in  the  Archdale  precinct. 


Caeolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  33 

CRAVEN  COUNTY,   SITUATION,   CLIMATE,   SOIL,    PRO- 
DUCTS AND  TRADE 

The  present  Craven  county  lies  in  the  eastern  part  of  North 
Carolina,  on  the  Neuse  and  Trent  Rivers.  It  has  an  area  of 
about  417,950  acres  and  is  bounded  by  the  counties  of  Carteret, 
Pamlico,  Jones,  Pitt,  Beaufort,  and  Lenoir.  It  is  considerably 
smaller  now  than  at  the  close  of  the  year  1775. 

In  1661  the  territory  between  Albemarle  and  Cape  Fear  was 
named  Bath.  In  1705  Bath  county  was  divided  into  precincts. 
That  part  of  the  country  between  the  Neuse  and  Pamlico  Rivers, 
together  with  the  settlements  on  both  sides  of  Neuse,  was  called 
Archdale  precinct.  This  precinct  included  the  present  Craven 
county  and  more.  At  this  time  there  were  about  five  thousand 
inhabitants  in  the  whole  province.  The  coming  of  the  French, 
Swiss,  and  Germans  to  Archdale  precinct,  or  Craven  county, 
made  Archdale  the  most  populous  precinct  south  of  Albemarle. 
In  1713  the  population  of  the  whole  province  was  not  more  than 
three  thousand,  the  Indian  war  having  driven  the  people  away. 
But  in  1715  we  find  the  whole  province  to  have  about  eleven 
thousand  two  hundred  inhabitants.  There  were  7,500  whites 
and  3,700  negroes.  In  fact  the  population  had  increased  in 
such  numbers  since  1713  that  the  Lord  Proprietors  found  it 
necessary  in  order  to  govern  the  people  and  in  order  to  estab- 
lish the  Church,  to  divide  each  of  the  three  counties  into  pre- 
cincts and  parishes.  Bath  was  divided  into  three  or  four  pre- 
cincts or  parishes.  That  part  on  the  Neuse,  Trent,  and  Bear 
Rivers,  and  their  branches,  formerly  Archdale  precinct,  was 
named  Craven  precinct  or  parish,13  after  Lord  Craven,  one  of 
the  Proprietors.  The  population  gradually  increased  in  Craven 
precinct.  In  1729  all  the  province  was  purchased  by  the  crown 
with  the  exception  of  Carteret's  part.  The  royal  authority 
changed  the  term  of  precinct  to  county,  giving  each  the  colonial 
county  government.  Craven  county  consisted  of  the  territory 
on  the  Neuse,  Trent,  and  Bear  Rivers  and  their  tributaries.  It 
seems  as  if  there  was  no  limit  to  the  western  part  of  the  county. 


13  C.  B.  Vol.  II,  p.207. 


34  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

I  suppose  that  it  extended  as  far  back  as  the  source  of  the 
Neuse.  In  1733  Edgecombe  county  was  formed  out  of  part  of 
Craven  county.14  In  1746  Craven  county  was  divided  by  a  line 
beginning  at  the  mouth  of  Southwest  Creek  and  extending  up 
the  creek.  The  northern  part  became  Johnston  county.15  In 
1764  the  northern  part  of  Craven  was  added  to  Dobbs  county 
and  later  a  part  to  Pitt.  About  this  time,  by  the  petition  of  the 
people  of  that  part  of  Beaufort  lying  between  Bay  River  and 
Lower  Broad  Creek,  that  part  of  said  county,  became  a  part 
of  Craven  county.  So  we  see  that  from  the  year  1733  the  bound- 
aries of  Craven  county  were  steadily  decreased  and  one  time 
increased,  so  they  were  nearly  the  same  as  now  plus  those  of 
Jones,  and  part  of  Pamlico. 

The  climate  of  Craven  is  changeable  but  good.  The  soil 
runs  from  the  sandy  soil  in  the  fields  to  the  black  of  the  river 
valleys.  In  its  productiveness  it  is  unsurpassed,  both  for  agri- 
culture and  stock  raising.  Hawks,  speaking  of  the  eastern  part 
of  North  Carolina,  particularly  of  Colonial  Carteret  and  Craven 
counties,  says,  "While  from  the  Virginia  line  down  to  the  sea 
coast  in  Carteret,  the  region  of  the  first  settlers  was  wonder- 
fully productive.  The  swamps  and  stream  banks  [Craven  is  full 
of  such  streams  and  banks]  are  full  of  oak,  cypress,  gum,  cedar, 
ash,  maple,  and  walnut  trees.  The  pasturage  was  excellent 
and  the  oxen  grew  to  a  great  size  and  were  used  for  beef.  Heif- 
ers increased  so  rapidly  that  in  a  short  time  people  found  them- 
selves owners  of  hundreds  of  cattle  and  beeves.  The  hog  in- 
creased greatest  being  fed  from  acorns  and  nuts  found  in 
the  woods.  Sheep  thrived."  Indeed  Craven  was  a  rich  terri- 
tory. Life  was  made  easy  by  nature,  and  it  is  not  to  be  wond- 
ered at  that  with  such  existing  natural  advantages  and  freedom 
as  Craven  afforded  that  the  oppressed  of  other  countries  and 
colonies  sought  abodes  there. 

The  people  of  Craven  county  at  first  only  traded  with  New 
England  and  Virginia,  but  soon  with  the  West  Indies  and  Eu- 
rope.   Indeed,  ships  left  New  Bern  direct  for  France  and  Eng- 


14  Handbook  of  North  Carolina,  1879,  p.   67. 

15  0.  R.,  Vol.  XXIII,  p. 248. 

16  Ibid.,  p.   48. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  35 

land  before  1776.  I  expect  that  Craven  county  had  as  much  if 
not  more  trade  than  any  other  colonial  county  of  North  Carolina. 
The  chief  products  were  beef,  pork,  tallow,  hides,  deerskins  and 
furs,  corn,  peas,  tobacco,  cotton,  hemp,  tar,  pitch,  turpentine, 
rice,  and  flour.  To  Virginia  went  the  greater  part  of  our  to- 
bacco, in  exchange  for  articles  needed.  To  New  England  and 
the  Bermudas  went  the  greater  part  of  our  products  in  exchange 
for  rum,  sugar,  salt,  molasses  and  some  wearing  apparel.  To 
Europe  went  our  naval  stores.  Indian  corn,  and  naval  supplies 
were  our  greatest  exports.  So  great  an  amount  of  Indian  corn 
was  being  shipped  from  New  Bern  in  1776  that  Tryon,  fearful 
that  the  supply  would  give  out,  proclaimed  that  no  more  should 
leave  until  after  four  months  from  date.  This  corn  went  to  the 
North  and  to  the  "West  Indies.17  We  had  a  good  trade  with 
the  North  and  "West  Indies.  The  harbors  at  New  Bern  were 
never  seen  without  a  ship  from  one  of  these  places  waiting  for 
cargoes.  Craven  county  was  on  the  post  road  from  Suffolk,  Vir- 
ginia, to  South  Carolina.  The  roads  of  Craven  were  bad,  but  not 
so  in  comparison  with  those  of  other  counties.  Indeed,  Colonial 
Craven  county  was  an  ideal  place  of  abode. 

SWISS  AND  GERMAN  PALATINES 

Craven  county,  or  Archdale  precinct,  as  it  was  then  known, 
has  the  distinction  of  having  the  first  settlers  to  come  direct 
from  Europe  to  the  province.  And  this  colony  added  greatly 
to  the  population  of  the  province.  They  made  good  citizens 
and  were  welcomed  to  the  colony.  Fitch  says,  "This  was  the 
first  important  introduction  into  the  eastern  section  of  the  prov- 
ince of  a  most  excellent  class  of  liberty-loving  people,  whose  de- 
scendants, wherever  their  lots  were  cast  in  our  country,  gave  il- 
lustrious proof  of  their  valor  and  patriotism  during  the  Revolu- 
tionary War."18 

The  German  Palatines  came  from  the  Palatinate.  They 
came  also  from  Heidelberg,  and  its  vicinity. 


"  C.  B.,  Vol.  VII,  p.   225. 

18  Fitch  Some  Neglected  History  of  North  Carolina,  p.  26. 


36  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

The  colony  was  indebted  for  these  to  the  trouble  in  Europe 
in  1693. 19  This  trouble  was  religious  persecution.  The  Elector 
Palatine,  Frederick  III,  surnamed  "the  pious,"  who  died  in 
1676,  was  one  of  the  purest  and  noblest  German  princes, — the 
German  Alfred.  He  was  devoted  to  the  advancement — 
political,  educational,  and  ecclesiastical — of  his  people. 
In  1685  the  successor  of  Frederick  died  and  the  house  of  New- 
bury, a  bigoted  popish  family,  came  in.  The  religion  of  a  prov- 
ince in  Germany  was  at  that  time  governed  by  the  religion  of 
the  ruling  prince,  or  in  other  words  the  people  had  to  recant 
every  time  a  new  prince  with  a  different  religion  came  on  the 
throne.  The  Palatinate  was  a  strong  Protestant  province,  and  in 
spite  of  the  invasions  of  1622,  1634,  1688,  ordered  by  the  pope, 
had  retained  their  faith  in  Protestantism  and  would  not  change. 
The  new  prince  in  1685  being  a  Catholic,  severe  pun- 
ishment was  brought  upon  them,  but  they  refused  to  recant. 
In  1688  Louis  XIV  of  France,  a  zealous  champion  of  the  pope, 
waged  war  on  and  invaded  the  Palatinate.  The  country  was 
devastated  and  the  people  turned  out  of  their  homes  because  they 
would  not,  or  could  not,  change  their  faith  every  time  the 
throne  was  occupied  by  a  new  prince.  They  with  their  neighbors 
from  the  near  vicinity,  to  the  number  of  many  thousand,  had 
to  seek  homes  in  foreign  countries.  Great  sympathy  was  felt 
for  these  poor  creatures,  whose  sin  was  merely  Protestantism.20 
The  Queen  of  England,  Anne,  pitying  their  condition  by  her 
proclamation,  in  1708,  offered  them  protection  in  her  dominions, 
and  about  twelve  thousand  went  to  England  in  1708-1709.  De 
Graffenried  estimated  that  at  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  England 
more  than  twenty  thousand  had  come,  "but  intermingled  with 
many  Swiss  and  people  of  other  German  provinces."21 

About  this  time  Christopher  Emanuel  de  Graffenried  arrived 
in  England  and  with  him  a  friend,  Lewis  Mitchell.  Both  of 
these  men  were  looking  for  a  way  to  repair  their  fortune.    Mitch- 


19  Hawks,   Vol.   2,   p. 86. 

20  Hawks,   Vol.   II,   p.   86. 
21Vass,   p.  57. 


Cakolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  37 

ell  had  been  to  America  and  knew  something  of  it.  De  Graf- 
fenried  was  a  young,  handsome  and  fascinating  Swiss  noble- 
man and  was  a  favorite  of  Queen  Anne.  He  was  a  citizen  of 
Bern,  Switzerland,  and  the  elder  son  of  Antony  De  Graaffenried, 
Lord  of  Worb.  He  had  been  mayor  of  Yoerdon,  in  Neufchatel, 
under  the  commission  from  the  senate  of  Bern.  He  had  failed 
financially  and  went  to  England,  in  hopes  of  going  to  America 
to  build  up  his  fortune.22  He  saw  a  chance  in  these  Palatines. 
He  and  Mitchell  acted  and  through  Mitchell's  influence  they 
determined  to  plant  a  colony  in  Carolina. 

They  bought  ten  thousand  acres  of  land  between  the  Neuse 
and  Cape  Fear  Rivers  and  their  branches.  They  paid  twenty 
shillings  sterling  per  hundred  acres  and  bound  themselves  for 
six  pence  yearly  per  hundred  acres.  In  addition  to  this  the 
Surveyor  General  was  to  lay  off  and  reserve  for  them  one  hun- 
dred thousand  acres  of  land  for  a  period  of  twelve  years.  And 
when  they  had  paid  for  five  thousand  acres  at  the  set  price  one 
of  them  was  to  be  gratified  by  a  title.  Graffenried  made  the 
purchase  and  was  made  Baron.23  De  Graffenried  and  Mitchell, 
having  made  this  purchase,  naturally  wanted  settlers  for  their 
territory  so  as  to  make  it  pay  them.  The  Palatines  offered 
themselves  for  speculation.  The  Baron  and  Mitchell  knew  that 
Queen  Anne  would  help  pay  for  their  transportation  to  America. 
They  mentioned  it  to  the  Queen,  who  was  glad  to  help  the 
Palatines.  She  not  only  paid  for  the  transportation  of  them 
but  also  bestowed  gifts  to  the  amount  of  £4,000  sterling24  on 
them.  Before  this,  commissioners  had  been  appointed  to  collect 
money  for  the  aid  of  the  Palatines.  Then  De  Graffenried  and 
Mitchell  made  an  agreement  with  the  Lord  Proprietors.  The 
result  was  that  De  Graffenried  and  Mitchell  agreed  to  transport 
ninety-two  families  of  the  Palatines,  nearly  six  hundred  and 
fifty  persons,  with  their  own  Swiss  colonists.  They  paid  only 
five  and  a  half  pounds  per  person  for  the  Palatines  that  they 
transported  to  North  Carolina,  or  about  $18,000.23  They  were 
also  to  give  to  each  family  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land 

22  Ibid.,  p.    53. 

23  Williamson,   p.   182. 
24Vass,   p.   57. 

25  Ibid. 


38  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

and  the  first  five  years  free  from  charge,  but  every  year  after  the 
said  five  years  the  Palatines  were  to  pay  them  two  pence  lawful 
money  for  each  acre.26  During  the  first  year  after  their  arrival 
they  were  to  be  furnished  grain,  provisions  and  other  things 
for  the  support  of  life.  They  were  to  pay  for  this  two  years 
after  their  arrival.  They  were  also  to  be  furnished  within  four 
months  after  their  arrival  with  two  cows  and  two  calves,  five 
sows  with  their  young,  two  ewe  sheep  and  two  lambs,  with  a  male 
of  each  kind.  These  were  to  be  paid  for  within  seven  years  after 
receiving  them.  They  were  also  to  be  furnished,  gratis,  tools 
and  implements  for  felling  trees  and  building  houses.27 

The  commissioners,  on  their  part,  for  the  Queen  agreed  to 
give  each  colonist,  young  and  old,  twenty  shillings  sterling  in 
clothes  and  money,  and  to  pay  De  Graffenried  and  Mitchell  five 
pounds  and  ten  shillings  a  head  for  transportation.28  The 
money  of  the  poor  Palatines  was  given  to  De  Graffenried,  and 
if  they  received  any  of  it  it  was  only  a  small  portion.  This  agree- 
ment is  dated  October  1709. 

In  mild  weather  in  January,  1710,  after  prayer  they  set  sail 
for  America,  escorted  by  Read-Admiral  Noris  with  two  ships  as 
far  as  the  latitude  of  Portugal.  The  voyage  was  rough  and 
lasted  for  thirteen  weeks.  They  suffered  terribly  from  hunger, 
and  more  than  half  died  on  the  way  over.  At  the  mouth  of 
the  James  River  a  French  captain  plundered  one  of  the  vessels 
containing  the  best  goods.29  Besides  many  dying  on  the  sea 
a  good  number  died  from  eating  and  drinking  too  much  raw 
fruit  and  water  after  landing.  Those  who  were  left  landed  in 
Virginia,  and  after  travelling  twenty  miles  or  more  by  land  they 
arrived  in  the  county  of  Albemarle  on  the  River  Chowan,  at  the 
residence  of  a  rich  settler,  Thomas  Pollock.  He  took  care  of 
them  and  supplied  them  with  all  necessities,  for  money.  He 
sent  them  across  the  sound  in  boats  and  into  the  county  of  Bath, 
where  they  were  located  April  or  May,  1710,  by  the  Surveyor- 
General,  Lawson,  on  a  tongue  of  land  between  the  Neuse  and 


26  O.  B.,  Vol.  I,  p.  988. 

27  Ibid. 

28  Hawks,   Vol.   II,   p.   87. 

fflVass,  p.  57  or  O.  B.,  Vol.  I,  p.  909. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  39 

Trent  Rivers,  called  Chattawka,  where  afterwards  was  founded 
the  small  city  of  New  Bern.30 

De  Graffenried  was  not  able  to  accompany  the  Palatines  be- 
cause he  had  to  meet  a  colony  of  his  own  people  of  Bern.  He, 
after  picking  out  the  best  and  healthiest  of  the  Palatines,  ap- 
pointed three  directors,  who  happened  to  be  then  in  London 
and  who  had  lived  already  several  years  in  Carolina.  One  was 
a  General  Receiver,  another  General-Surveyor,  the  third  a  Jus- 
tice of  Peace.  It  is  not  certain  that  the  three  sailed  with  them, 
but  we  know  that  the  General-Surveyor,  John  Lawson,  came 
with  them.  Lawson,  as  De  Graffenried  says,  "instead 
of  settling  these  poor  people  every  one  on  his  own 
plantation,  in  order  to  gain  time  and  enable  them  to 
clear  and  clean  out  their  lands,  located  them  in  his  own 
personal  interest  on  part  of  his  own  lands  on  the  southern  bank 
of  Trent  River  at  the  very  hottest  and  most  unhealthy  place." 
Furthermore,  he  sold  them  that  tongue  of  land  between  the 
Neuse  and  Trent  Rivers  at  a  heavy  price  when  he  had  no  claim 
to  it.31  De  Graffenried  had  later  to  buy  it  from  the  Indian 
Chief  King  Taylor.  On  this  place  the  Palatines  remained  until 
September,  suffering  from  lack  of  food  and  other  necessities. 
In  fact,  they  were  forced  to  sell  their  clothes  and  other  things 
in  order  to  sustain  life. 

In  September  1710  De  Graffenried,  with  his  Swiss,  arrived 
in  Chattawka.  As  we  have  seen,  he  left  London  and  went  to 
New  Castle,  where  the  Swiss  joined  him.  The  Swiss  were  mostly 
from  Bern.  They,  too,  fled  from  religious  persecution.  They 
set  sail  from  Holland,  stopped  at  New  Castle  for  De  Graffenried, 
and  according  to  his  statement  he,  with  the  Swiss,  set  sail  for 
America  in  June  1710,  arriving  in  Carolina  about  the  middle  of 
September  of  the  same  year.  They  landed  in  Virginia  where 
De  Graffenried  was  offered  the  place  of  Governor  of  North 
Carolina  by  a  few  Carolinians.  They  took  nearly  the  same 
route  followed  by  the  Palatines,  stopping  at  Thomas  Pollock's 
home,  then  on  to  Chattawka. 


C.  R„  Vol.  I,  p.   911. 
C.  R.,  Vol.  I,  p.  910. 


40  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Immediately  upon  his  arrival  he  assigned  each  Palatine  to 
his  portion  of  land,  and  within  eighteen  months  they  had  homes 
built  that  were  comfortable.  He  also  settled  Chattawka  after 
purchasing  it  from  the  Indians.  He  changed  the  name  to  New 
Bern  in  honor  of  the  birthplace  of  himself  and  Mitchell,  Bern 
in  Switzerland. 

In  1713  De  Graffenried  left  the  colony  and  went  back  to 
Europe.  He  took  with  him  not  only  the  money  entrusted  to 
him  by  the  commissioners  for  the  poor  Palatines,  but  also  he 
either  took  with  him  or  spent  before  he  left  America  eight  hun- 
dred pounds  sterling,  for  which  he  mortgaged  his  lands  and 
those  of  the  Palatines  to  Colonel  Thomas  Pollock  and  his  heirs. 
Pollock  offered,  after  the  mortgage  had  expired,  to  give  back 
the  land  if  De  Graffenried  would  pay  him  his  money,  which 
he  would  not  do.  The  Palatines  were  thus  left  on  the  land  of 
someone  else.  In  1714,  right  after  the  Indian  war,  which  they 
had  endured  fairly  well,  and  had  prospered  to  a  certain  extent 
and  increased  in  number,  they  petitioned  the  Lord  Proprietors 
that  each  family  might  take  up  four  hundred  acres  of  land  and 
might  be  allowed  two  years  to  pay  for  it.  This  was  granted 
to  them.32 

The  Palatines  and  Swiss,  both  industrious,  religious, 
mild  of  temperament,  established  in  Carolina  a  new 
spirit  of  freedom  and  formed  a  new  and  improved  society. 
Both  of  them  prospered  and  not  only  lived  in  Craven  county, 
but  increased  and  expanded  their  settlements  into  Jones  and 
Carteret  counties.  Descendants  of  these  Swiss  and  Pala- 
tines figured  greatly  in  the  early  history  of  North  Carolina. 
Some  of  them  held  the  leading  places  in  public  life.  Others 
were  renowned  for  their  part  in  the  Revolutionary  War  and 
the  events  leading  to  it.  I  have  in  mind  one,  Richard  Cogdell, 
a  Swiss,  who  held  offices  in  the  Assembly,  and  was  a  leader  in 
the  Stamp  Act  Riot  in  New  Bern,  1765.  Indeed,  their  value 
to  the  province,  in  either  a  political,  religious,  or  social  view 
cannot  be  overestimated. 


32  Hawks,  Vol.  II,  p.   88. 


Caeolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  41 

The  Palatines  and  Swiss  were  not,  however,  the  only  settlers 
Craven  received  in  the  year  of  1710.  In  this  year  a  colony  of 
"Welsh  Quakers  settled  below  New  Bern,  on  Clubfoot  and  Han- 
cock Creeks  on  the  south  side  of  the  Neuse.  Among  these  were 
Thomas  and  John  Lovick,  later  promininent  men,  also  Roger 
and  Evan  Jones. 

Some  names  of  the  Swiss  and  Palatines  who  came  to  Craven, 
on  a  petition  to  the  queen,  1711, 33  and  some  are  still  familiar  in 
our  county  of  Craven  and  its  neighbors:  Eslar  (now  Isler), 
Renege,  Moor  (now  Moore),  Eiback  (Hypock)  our  present 
name  of  Ipock,  Morris,  Kensey,  Wallis,  Gernest,  Miller,  Walk- 
er, Simons  (our  present  Simmons),  all  German.  Of  the  Swiss 
we  find  Coxdaile  (Cogdell),  from  whom  on  the  maternal  side 
descended  the  North  Carolina  branches  of  the  families  of  Stanly 
and  Badger. 

RELATIONS  WITH  THE  INDIANS 

At  first  the  people  of  North  Carolina  were  welcomed  by  the 
Indians,  especially  the  Tuscaroras,  because  of  the  rum  that  they 
brought  to  them.  Again  the  Indians  and  white  men  were  gain- 
ers in  each  one's  own  opinion  from  the  trade  carried  on  be- 
tween them.  In  fact  the  relations  with  the  Indians  were  as 
peaceful  and  profitable  to  the  whites  as  could  have  been 
desired  until  the  whites  alienated  them.  For  sixty  years 
the  Indians  and  whites  lived  together  without  war.  This 
was  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Indians  who  lived  on  the  coast 
were  divided  into  many  small  tribes  without  any  powerful  con- 
federacy.34 On  every  section  of  the  banks  there  was  a  tribe. 
They  had  a  plentiful  supply  of  sea  food  and  did  not  depend 
as  much  on  game  for  a  living  as  the  Indians  farther  inland. 
Therefore  they  did  not  realize  the  value  of  land,  nor  its  use 
until  after  the  whites  had  made  a  settlement  with  determination 
to  remain  in  Carolina.  Another  reason  is  that  at  first  the  whites 
came  without  any  forces  and  put  themselves,  in  a  manner,  on 
the  good  will  of  the  Indians  and  begged  instead  of  demanded 
land.     But  the  one  fault  of  the  white  man  in  dealing  with  the 


^Vass,   pp.    70-71. 
34  Williamson. 


42  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Indian  was,  as  I  have  mentioned  before,  the  selling  of  too  much 
rum  to  him.  In  1703  Daniels  attempted  to  put  a  stop  to  this  but 
with  little  success.35 

The  most  powerful  of  all  the  Indian  tribes  which  inhabited 
the  eastern  part  of  North  Carolina  was  the  Tuscaroras,  who 
lived  on  the  Taw  (or  Tar)  and  Neuse  Rivers  in  what  is  now 
Bertie  county  and  counties  south  of  Albemarle,  also  on  Pamlico 
River.  At  first  they  invited  the  whites,  but  soon  looked  on 
them  with  a  bitter  eye,  as  the  whites  took  more  and  more  of 
their  lands  and  mistreated  them  in  some  few  cases.  They  had 
in  all  twelve  hundred  men  or  warriors.  Besides  the  Tuscaroras 
southeast  of  the  sound  were  the  tribes  of  the  Neusicos,  Pamlicos, 
Cotechneys,  and  (nearer  the  ocean)  the  Woccons,  Maramiskeets, 
Matchapeengoes,  Hatteras,  Cores,  Croatans,  and  Bear  River  In- 
dians. The  whole  number  of  Indians  able  to  take  the  field  was 
about  sixteen  hundred.36  The  Indians  who  lived  in  Craven 
county  were  mostly  the  Cores,  and  Neuse,  and  a  few  Tuscaroras 
and  Bear  River  Indians.  Lawson  says  that  owing  to  the  plague 
which  killed  many  of  the  Indians  north  of  the  Pamlico  River, 
the  Indians  were  the  thickest  on  the  Neuse,  Trent  and  Pam- 
lico Rivers. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  Indians  first  came  in  contact  with 
the  white  man  in  1651,  when  a  party  from  below  Norfolk 
were  exploring  Carolina.  Next  the  hunters  came  in  contact 
with  them  on  the  Neuse  and  Trent  Rivers.  The  French  in  1707 
were  welcomed  by  the  Indians  in  Craven  county,  and  when  De 
Graffenried  and  his  colonists  came  they  received  a  warm  recep- 
tion at  the  hands  of  King  Taylor  and  his  warriors.  They  were 
met  by  this  chief  and  his  followers  at  what  is  now  the  foot  of 
South  Front  Street,  after  exchanging  greetings  both  parties 
went  under  two  live  oak  trees,  which  were  destroyed  in  1841  by 
fire,  where  De  Graffenried  and  King  Taylor  smoked  the  pipe 
of  peace.  Soon  they  made  a  treaty  and  De  Graffenried  pur- 
chased that  land  on  which  New  Bern  now  stands  from  this  chief. 
This  transaction  with  the  Indians  helped  to  save  the  life  of  the 
Baron  later.     The  Swiss  and  Palatines  took  them  in  trust,  gave 


35  Ibid.,  p.    186. 

36  Hawks,  Vol.  II,  p.  527. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  43 

them  work  in  their  homes  and  on  their  plantations  and  bought 
some  of  their  captives  for  slaves.  The  whites  of  New  Bern  and 
its  vicinity  even  took  the  Indians  and  gave  them  bedding  at 
night  and  food  when  they  came  to  obtain  provisions.37 

The  largest  portion  of  the  white  population  was  north  of 
Albemarle.  The  other  portion  was  to  be  found  in  and  about 
New  Bern,  over  the  country  intervening  between  it  and  "Wash- 
ington, and  up  the  Pamlico  around  Bath,  in  Jones  on  the  Trent, 
then  part  of  Craven  precinct  or  Archdale  precinct,  and  in  Car- 
teret between  New  Bern  and  Beaufort.  The  Swiss  and  Ger- 
mans remained  in  and  around  New  Bern.38 

Before  the  Swiss  arrived  in  New  Bern,  Cary  had  started  his 
rebellion.  He  made  so  much  trouble  that  the  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, Spotswood,  was  sent  to  for  aid.  Aid  was  sent  and  Cary 
was  captured  and  sent  to  England.  It  was  not  destruction  that 
Cary  and  his  followers  themselves  did  that  made  things  so  bad, 
but  their  influence  over  the  Indians  was  one  of  the  main  causes 
of  the  Indian  massacre  of  1711.  Cary  had  three  prominent 
adherents :  John  Porter,  Mr.  Moseley,  and  a  man  named  Roach. 
These  four  men  really  put  the  notion  of  rebellion  into  the 
minds  of  the  Indians.  Besides  the  influence  of  Cary  and  his 
adherents,  there  were  other  causes  that  brought  on  the  Indian 
massacre.  One,  as  De  Graffenried  says,  was  the  carelessness, 
negligence,  and  lack  of  precaution  on  the  part  of  the  Carolinians. 
Another  was  the  rough  treatment  of  some  of  the  turbulent 
Carolinians,  who  cheated  the  Indians  in  trade  and  wouldn't 
allow  them  to  hunt  near  their  plantations,  and  under  that  pre- 
tense took  away  from  them  their  game,  arms,  and  ammunition. 
They  even  killed  an  Indian.  This  incensed  them  most  of  all.39 
Another  was  that  the  Indians  by  this  time  had  begun  to  realize 
that  their  land  was  being  occupied  more  rapidly  every  day. 

The  Indians  could  not  stand  this  much  longer.  All  they 
wanted  was  a  leader.  They  found  him  in  the  chief  of  the  Tus- 
caroras.  He  divided  the  Indian  into  different  groups,  so  that 
many  settlements  could  be   attacked  at  the  same   time.     The 


37  Old  Time  Stories  in  North  Carolina. 

38  Hawks. 

33  0.  B.,  Vol.  I,  p.   922. 


44  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Cotechneys,  who  lived  in  what  is  now  Green  county,  joined  the 
Cores  to  do  the  work  at  New  Bern  and  on  the  Neuse  and  Trent. 
The  Maramiskeets  and  Matchapungees  were  assigned  to  Bath 
and  its  vicinity.  The  work  on  the  Roanoke  and  Albemarle  the 
Tuscaroras  and  Meherrins  would  do.  The  strange  part  about 
this  confederacy  and  its  intentions  was  that  they  kept  them 
secret  so  that  they  were  not  known,  nor  was  any  evil  suspected 
of  them  until  its  purpose  was  accomplished. 

A  few  days  before  the  massacre  took  place  De  Graffenried 
and  Lawson,  accompanied  by  a  negro,  started  on  a  trip  up  Neuse 
River.  They  had  travelled  all  day  and  it  was  near  night  when 
they  were  surrounded  by  a  party  of  Indians  and  hurried  to 
Catechna,  King  Hancock's  town.  Here  they  were  cordially  re- 
ceived by  the  chief,  and  it  seems  as  if  the  three  would  have  been 
liberated  had  it  not  been  for  a  Core  Indian  reporting  to  the 
chief  some  minor  insult  that  he  had  received  from  Lawson. 
Furthermore,  the  Indians  held  Lawson  responsible  for  the  com- 
ing of  the  whites  and  for  their  taking  up  the  lands  of  the  reds. 
Lawson  and  the  negro  were  burned  at  the  stake.  De  Graffen- 
ried made  the  reds  believe  that  he  was  the  King,  and  that  his 
death  would  be  avenged  by  other  whites  from  across  the  ocean, 
and  he  reminded  them  also  of  the  kindness  that  they  had  always 
received  at  the  hands  of  the  Swiss  and  Palatines,  and  that  he 
had  paid  for,  instead  of  stealing  their  lands.  He  was  liberated 
after  a  stay  during  which  he  saw  the  Christian  prisoners  brought 
in  from  Pamlico,  Neuse,  and  Trent.  Before  leaving  he  made  a 
treaty  with  them  which  guaranteed  the  Swiss  and  Germans  to 
be  free  from  the  Indian  wars  so  long  as  they  did  not  side  with 
the  other  whites  against  them  and  so  long  as  they  treated  the 
Indians  rightly.40 

On  Friday,  September  twenty-first,  a  few  days  after 
the  departure  of  Lawson  and  the  Baron,  the  Indians,  as  they 
were  accustomed,  came  into  the  settlements  on  the  Pamlico, 
Neuse,  and  Trent, — only  in  larger  numbers.  The  settlers  did 
not  suspect  anything  wrong.  Just  before  daybreak,  Saturday, 
September  22,  1711,  the  massacre  began.     Houses  were  burned, 


*  O.  R.,  Vol.  I,  p. 935. 


Caeolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  45 

cattle  driven  off,  people  captured  and  killed.  In  the  town  of 
New  Bern  it  was  not  so  bad  however.  The  people  fled,  leaving 
their  homes  and  goods  to  the  Indians,  yet  they  were  not  troubled 
as  the  people  in  the  vicinity.  In  and  around  Xew  Bern 
there  were  sixty  or  seventy  Palatines  and  Swiss  murdered  or 
captured.  Yet  the  people  of  New  Bern  were  not  harmed  half 
so  much  as  the  people  around  Bath.  This  massacre  lasted  for 
three  days  and  nights.41  It  must  have  been  the  past  conduct 
of  De  Graffenried  towards  the  Indians  that  saved  New  Bern, 
because  for  twenty-two  weeks  after  the  beginning  of  the  massacre 
New  Bern  stood  armless,  before  any  real  aid  came  to  the  relief 
of  the  people.  Then  when  the  colonists  were  on  the  point  of 
starvation,  the  Baron  went  to  Virginia  for  aid  and  sent  to  South 
Carolina  also  for  aid.  What  provisions  the  colonists  obtained 
were  from  the  Albemarle  section.  South  Carolina  was  the  first  to 
respond.  Immediately  after  receiving  the  summons  for  aid  Col- 
onel Barnwell,  under  the  orders  of  the  governor,  with  eight- 
hundred  reds,  mostly  Yamasees,  and  about  fifty  militia  started 
for  the  Neuse  and  the  Trent.42  After  a  long  and  hard  march 
they  arrived  on  the  Neuse,  received  orders  at  New  Bern,  and 
marched  against  the  Indians  with  such  fury  that  they  retreated 
until  they  reached  a  strong  fort  which  they  had  erected  in  the 
upper  part  of  Craven  county.  In  addition  to  the  South  Carolina 
troops  there  were  two  hundred  Englishmen  and  fifty  Swiss  and 
Germans  under  Colonel  Mitchell.  Upon  reaching  their  fort  the 
Indians  received  reinforcements  and  made  a  stand  to  fight  the 
white.  Barnwell,  however,  assaulted  them  so  furiously  that  they 
were  defeated  with  great  slaughter.  Three  hundred  or  more 
were  killed  and  one  hundred  captured,  beside  the  wounded. 
The  Indians  retreated  into  the  fort  and  after  a  siege,  offered 
to  make  peace,  which  Barnwell,  to  his  and  the  colonists  sorrow, 
accepted.  Because  his  terms  were  light,  the  Indians  renewed  the 
war  immediately.  If  he  had  not  made  peace,  the  Indians 
would  have  been  completely  annihilated ;  for  Colonel  Mitchell, 
with  his  fifty  Swiss  and  Germans  had  raised  a  battery  within 
eleven  yards  of  the  fort  and  mounted  it  with  two  cannon.     He 


41  Fitch,   p.   26. 

42  0.  E.,  Vol.  I,  p.   934. 


46  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

also  surrounded  a  portion  of  the  palisade  with  combustibles  and 
was  ready  to  open  fire  when  peace  was  made.43 

The  Indians  did  not  maintain  their  treaty  but  renewed  war 
almost  immediately.  Barnwell  returned  home,  and  the  colonists 
were  left  in  a  bad  situation.  Tom  Blunt,  through  the  efforts  of 
Colonel  Pollock,  was  attached,  with  a  few  of  his  followers,  to 
the  white  side.  In  the  latter  part  of  1712  Colonel  Moore  arrived 
with  aid  from  South  Carolina.  After  stopping  in  Craven  for 
a  short  time,  he  went  to  Albemarle.  On  the  20th  of  March,  1713, 
he  laid  siege  to  the  Indian  stronghold  Nahuck  in  Green  county. 
Here  he  struck  them  such  a  blow  that  they  never  recovered.  Soon 
after  this  siege  the  Indians  scattered,  and  in  1715  the  remaining 
Tuscaroras  left  the  State  and  went  to  join  their  kinsmen,  the 
Iroquois.44 

From  1717  the  relations  with  Indians  in  Craven  county  were 
merely  those  of  master  and  slave,  in  fact,  very  few  remained  in 
the  county.  Craven,  in  the  French  and  Indian  War,  however, 
furnished  her  share  of  the  militia  which  went  to  help  Washing- 
ton, under  Waddell  and  Innes,  but  which  was  sent  back  by 
the  governor  of  Virginia. 

The  results  of  the  Indian  massacre  and  war  of  1711  to  1713 
were  that  the  colonists  in  Craven  were  captured  or  driven  from 
their  homes,  to  which  some  returned.  Most  of  their  stock,  pro- 
visions, and  homes  were  destroyed.  Indeed,  it  was  a  great  dis- 
couragement to  the  young  colonists.  However,  they  stood  it  and 
were  pleased  when,  by  a  petition,  they  received  lands  of  their 
own. 

After  they  became  settled  and  had  schools  for  their  children, 
they  attempted  with  some  success  to  educate  and  Christianize 
their  old  enemies,  the  Indians. 

RELIGION 

The  first  inhabitants  of  Craven  county  were,  as  we  have 
seen,  only  the  hunter  and  straggling  parties  of  Englishmen  from 
Virginia  and  New  England.    Their  aim  in  coming  to  North  Car- 


43  Hawks,   Vol.  II,  p.  539. 
"Ibid.,  549. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  47 

olina  was  partly  religious  freedom.  But,  they  did  not  bring 
with  them  ministers,  and  after  remaining  in  the  changed 
surroundings  for  a  number  of  years  they  lost  all  of  their  former 
rites  and  worshipped  God  in  their  own  way.  A  minister  in 
Carolina  was  regarded  with  as  much  curiosity  as  we  would  re- 
gard an  infidel  today.  These  people  who  first  came  to  Carolina 
were,  before  coming,  Puritans,  Quakers,  and  other  dissenters. 

In  1707  the  first  real  religious  settlers  came  to  Craven  county, 
the  second  such  group  that  came  to  North  Carolina.  They  were 
the  French  Protestants,  who  had  fled  from  France  for  the  one 
purpose  of  freedom  of  worship.  They  were  of  the  Calvinist 
faith.  They  brought  with  them  their  minister,  Claude  Philippe 
de  Richebourg.  They  were  allowed  at  first  the  same  privileges 
as  the  English,  but  soon  the  English  became  jealous  of  them  and 
of  their  right  to  vote.  This  right  was  then  taken  away  from 
them.  They  were  religious  and  attempted  to  Christianize  the 
Indians  with  some  success. 

The  next  settlers  to  come  into  Craven  county  were  the  Swiss 
and  the  Palatines.  These  came  also  for  the  purpose  of  religious 
freedom,  they  belonged  to  the  reformed  Church  of  Calvinists, 
and  part  of  them  were  doubtless  Lutherans.  They  were  stout 
Christians.  Therefore,  in  Craven  county  there  were  three 
groups  of  colonists,  including  the  Swiss,  who  were  of  the  Re- 
formed Church,  who  were  firm  believers  in  the  church  and  in 
Protestantism,  while  no  other  precinct  or  county  had  more  than 
one.  Therefore,  Craven  county  was  settled  by  more  people  of 
the  church  than  any  other  county.  It  was  the  center  of  religion 
as  it  was  the  center  of  education  and  wealth,  as  we  shall  see  later. 
During  the  colonial  period  there  were  many  other  colonists  who 
came  and  settled  in  Craven.  These  were  English,  and  a  group 
of  Germans  in  1732. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  Proprietors  promised  freedom  of  wor- 
ship to  all  settlers  and  the  king  promised  toleration  to  all  dis- 
senters. Again,  we  have  seen  that  the  Proprietors  desired  to 
establish  the  English  Church  in  Carolina,  and  some  of  the  gov- 


48  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

ernors  attempted  to  carry  out  the  desires  of  the  Proprietors.  In 
order  to  do  this  more  easily,  by  the  Vestry  Act  of  1705, 45  the 
province  was  divided  into  nine  parishes.  In  1701  it 
had  been  divided  into  precincts.  Craven  lay  in  St.  Thomas 
parish.  In  1705  Archdale  parish  was  made,  which  included 
the  whole  of  Craven  county.40  But  since  there  were  but  few 
inhabitants  in  the  Archdale  parish,  no  steps  were  taken  towards 
the  establishment  of  the  church.  In  1715,  owing  to  the  rapid 
growth  of  the  province  in  population,  it  was  again  divided  by 
a  new  Vestry  Act.  Archdale  precinct  became  Craven 
parish,  which  contained  the  territory  around  the  Neuse 
and  Trent,  and  to  this  all  the  southern  settlements  of  the  prov- 
ince were  assigned,  "Until  further  divisions  were  made."  This 
time,  by  the  Act,  twelve  vestrymen  and  a  minister  were  ap- 
pointed for  each  parish  :47 

Craven  Vestrymen 

Col   Tom   Brice  Richard   Graves  Thomas   Smith 

Major  Wm,   Hancock        Daniel   McFarlin  Jos.   Bell 

John   Nelson  John   Smith  Martin   Frank 

John  Sloeumb  John   MacKey  Jacob    Sheets 

These  laymen  were  bound  under  oath  and  penalty  according 
to  the  laws  of  England  for  vestrymen  in  that  kingdom.  Each 
one  was  also  required  to  subscribe  to  a  declaration  that  it  was 
not  lawful  on  "any  pretense  whatsoever  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  king,"  and  "not  oppugn  the  liturgy  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land as  it  is  by  law  established. ' '  These  vestrymen,  having  thus 
qualified  themselves  to  act,  chose  from  their  number  two  to  act  as 
wardens  for  a  year.  The  statute  enjoined  the  laymen  to  do  their 
best  to  get  good  ministers,  and  authorized  them  by  a  tax  per 
poll,  not  to  exceed  five  shillings  each  on  every  taxable  in  the 
parish,  to  raise  for  the  minister  a  salary  of  at  least  fifty  pounds 
annually.  But  there  was  a  proviso,  that  to  entitle  himself 
to  his  salary,  he,  the  minister,  should  reside  in  his  parish  and 
not  be  absent  over  six  Sundays,  without  a  leave,  in  a  year.  He 
also  had  to  perform  all  marriage  ceremonies  in  the  parish.48 


45  DeRossett,   Church  Hist,  of  North  Carolina,  p.  162. 

46  C.  B.,  Vol.  XXIII,   p.   6. 

47  C.  B„  Vol.   XXIII,  p. 6. 

48  Hawks,   Vol.   II,   p.    170. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  49 

These  two  acts  were  not  the  only  two  acts  passed  to  fasten 
on  an  unwilling  people,  by  effective  legislation,  an  Episcopal 
establishment  with  an  adequate  support  by  taxation.  Other 
acts  were  passed  in  1715,  1741,  1754,  1759,  1764-65.  Taxes 
were  imposed  for  purchasing  ample  glebes,  building  comfortable 
churches,  and  paying  stipends  to  ministers,  all  of  the  establish- 
ment. 

At  first  there  were  two  classes  who  did  not  go  by  these  laws : 
Quakers,  to  whom  nothing  at  first  was  done,  were  allowed  to  hold 
meetings,  but  on  account  of  oath  these  were  kept  from  holding 
public  office.  Soon  however,  these  were  made  to  pay  church 
taxes  and  to  comply  with  the  other  laws.  Protestant  dissenters 
who  came  from  England  or  the  colonies  in  North  Carolina  were 
permitted  to  hold  meetings,  if  in  public,  to  be  subject  to  all  the 
English  statutes  touching  the  toleration  of  dissenters  in  the 
mother  country.  They  were,  however,  in  a  short  time  deprived 
of  the  right  of  holding  meetings,  or  of  organizing. 

There  were  many  different  sects  in  Craven  county.  First 
were  the  Puritans,  who  came,  as  before  stated,  from  England, 
and  also  a  large  number  from  New  Jersey.  They  came  from 
1707  steadily  until  after  the  war.  Yet,  they  were  never  organ- 
ized or  established  in  the  county.  The  next  were  the  Quakers. 
The  first  large  settlement  of  these  came  in  1710.  They  did  not 
organize,  but  were  "God-fearing"  Quakers.  They  were  perse- 
cuted by  being  kept  out  of  office,  and,  by  all  calamities  that  be- 
fell the  province  being  laid  to  the  Quakers  as  the  people  re- 
sponsible. Presbyterians  were  strong  in  Craven.  The  French 
were  the  first  Presbyterians  in  the  county,  and  some  of  the  Swiss 
believed  with  them.  This  sect  was  strengthened  by  the  Scotch- 
Irish  who  wandered,  few  in  number,  into  Craven  county.  They 
did  not  have  a  church,  but  attended  services  with  any  denom- 
ination. They  were  moderate,  industrious,  and  progressive,  es- 
pecially in  education.  On  Christmas  eve,  1739,  Rev.  George 
Whitefield  arrived  in  New  Bern.  He  preached  there  in  the 
court  house  a  sermon  that  made  the  congregation  melt  in  tears. 
He  was  much  grieved  at  the  encouragement  of  dancing  by  the 


50  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

ministers  there.  In  November,  1764,  he  again  visited  New  Bern. 
Here  he  met  with  what  were  called  New  Lights,  or  Presbyterians, 
in  great  numbers.49  They  were  in  the  lead  in  number  in  1765 
and  were  strong  during  the  whole  colonial  period.  There  were 
many  Methodists  in  the  county,  but  not  organized.  After  New 
Bern  was  in  a  district  and  visited  by  Methodist  preachers,  about 
1773,  this  sect  increased  rapidly.  James  Reed,  the  minister  of 
the  Established  Church,  says  in  a  letter  that  he  is  trying  to  keep 
the  Methodists  down  but  meeting  with  little  success.  He  also 
said  that  the  greater  part  of  the  dissenters  came  from  the  North, 
and  that  they  tried  to  run  down  the  English  Church.  This 
was  about  1763.  The  Methodists  were  of  the  more  ignorant 
class.  They  did  not  organize  until  after  the  war.  Catholics 
were  few  in  number.  In  fact,  there  were  not  over  ten  in  the 
whole  county.50  The  Baptists  came  early  in  Craven  county, 
and  were  strong.  In  1740  they  organized  and  asked  permis- 
sion, in  the  form  of  a  petition,  to  be  allowed  to  build  a  church 
in  New  Bern.  This  request  was  granted,  but  Purefoy  and 
Slede  were  imprisoned  for  presenting  a  petition  to  the  court.51 
But  more  probably  they  were  imprisoned  for  charges  of  unlaw- 
fulness that  had  been  before  this  time  presented  against  them. 
This  act  was  the  only  one  of  its  kind  in  North  Carolina,52  up- 
held by  the  Toleration  Act,  intended  for  the  punishment  of  the 
Catholics.  The  Baptists  were,  however,  severely  persecuted  in 
Craven  county  but  they  increased  all  the  more  from  it.  They 
did  not  build  a  church  until  after  1776. 

The  Established,  English  or  Episcopal  Church  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  supported  by  taxation.  This  was  the  only  sect  in 
Craven  county  who  were  really  organized  and  had  a  church. 
From  1701-76  this  church  or  religion,  by  the  different  Acts  be- 
fore mentioned  was  forced  upon  the  people.  By  the  Act  of  1740 
a  tax  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence  was  laid  on  each  taxable  in 
Craven  parish.53  Their  church  was  not  completed  until  1751  or 
later.    The  first  minister  of  the  English  Church  that  I  can  find 


49Vass  p.   79. 

60  C.  B.,  Vol.  VI,  p.  265. 

61Vass,   p.   83. 

52  DeRossett,  or  Ashe,  Vol.  I. 

63  C.  R.,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  141. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  51 

any  trace  of  was  the  Rev.  John  Lapierre,  who  was  ousted  from 
New  Hanover  by  Mr.  Marsden.  He  went  to  New  Bern  about 
1735  and  remained  until  his  death  in  1755. 54  He  was  not 
engaged  as  a  minister  there  by  the  laymen,  although  it  is  prob- 
able that  he  held  meetings.  This  is  proven  by  an  Act  of  174155 
which  enabled  the  laymen  to  spend  the  minister's  salary  on 
the  church  since  they  had  not  employed  a  minister.56  By  the 
Act  preceding  Craven  county  was  made  a  parish  with  the  name 
of  "Christ  Church  parish."  In  1753  the  Rev.  James  Reed,  who 
was  a  man  of  fine  character,  who  was  interested  in  the  preaching 
of  the  gospel  to  the  people,  who  did  more  than  any  other  man 
in  Craven  county  towards  the  establishment  of  the  public  school, 
especially  the  New  Bern  Academy,  who  in  every  way  tried  to 
help  the  progress  of  Craven  county,  came  and  settled  in  New 
Bern.  Here,  during  the  same  year,  he  preached  in  the  church 
every  evening  and  at  several  of  his  chapels  in  the  county.  The 
vestrymen  liked  him  so  well  that  in  1751  they  made  an  agree- 
ment with  him,  which  was  passed  by  the  Assembly.  This  agree- 
ment provided  for  the  payment  of  a  salaiy  of  one  hundred  and 
thirty-three  pounds,  six  shillings,  and  eight  pence  proclamation 
money  to  him  annually,  so  long  as  he  continued  to  hold  services 
at  New  Bern  and  to  attend  the  several  chapels  (which  were 
eight)  in  the  county,  according  to  the  terms  of  said  agreement.57 
Mr.  Reed  remained  in  Craven  county  until  his  death,  which 
was  after  the  Revolution.  During  this  time  he  did  much  towards 
establishing  the  people  in  the  faith  of  the  English  Church. 
The  people  of  Craven  county  did  appreciate  him  and  his  work, 
and  showed  it  by  getting  the  Assembly  to  give  him  a  fixed  salary 
and  by  building  for  him  a  parsonage.58  Indeed,  he  was  the 
best  minister  in  the  province  and  fared  better  than  any  other. 
The  first  members  of  the  English  Church  in  Craven  county 
were  some  of  the  English  from  Virginia,  the  next  were  the  Pala- 
tines and  Swiss,  who  in  belief  were  Lutherans  and  Calvinists, 
but  as  soon  as  settling  in  North  Carolina  applied  to  the  Bishop 


MIbid.,  p.   365. 

55  DeRosset,  p.   69. 

56  S.  R.,  Vol.  XXIII,   p.   182. 

67  8.  R.,  Vol.   XXIII,  p.  420. 

68  G.  R.,  Vol.  I,  p.  756. 


52  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

of  London  to  allow  them  to  be  received  into  his  church.  And 
De  Graffenried  hoped  that  they  would  behave  themselves  as  duti- 
ful patrons  of  the  English  Church.58  This  sect  was  increased 
by  Englishmen  who  steadily  came  into  the  county  from  after 
the  massacre  until  the  war.  It  was,  in  Craven  county,  the  ruling 
church,  but  only  by  being  forced  upon  the  people.  For,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  New  Lights  or  Presbyterians  were  in  the  lead 
there. 

On  the  whole  the  religious  conditions  of  the  county  were 
excellent  in  comparison  with  the  other  counties.  Mr.  Reed,  in 
a  letter  to  the  secretary,  dated  June  26,  1760,  said  that  he  esti- 
mated that  there  were  in  the  whole  county  about  a  thousand  in- 
fidels and  heathen  and  that  the  negroes  were  for  the  most  part 
heathen.59 

EDUCATION 

The  first  people  who  came  to  Craven  were  not  educated. 
They  had  only  the  education  gained  by  all  early  pioneers.  The 
French,  German,  and  Swiss  were  more  of  the  class  of  laboring 
people  than  of  educated  noblemen.  They  were  indeed  the  most 
educated  people  in  North  Carolina  at  that  time.  They  had  edu- 
cated ministers  with  them,  and  they  were  apt  and  quick  to  learn 
when  the  opportunity  for  study  offered  itself.  We  have  no 
proof,  but  judging  by  the  character  of  the  people,  and  their 
purpose  in  coming  to  America,  we  are  convinced  that  some  steps 
were  quickly,  after  settling,  taken  towards  preparing  schools 
for  the  children. 

Craven  county  soon  became  the  center  of  learning  of  the 
province,  when  New  Bern  was  made  the  capital.  Then  the 
most  learned  people  moved  to  Craven.  Again,  the  people  of 
Craven  county  were  wealthy  and  hired  private  teachers  for 
their  children  when  they  were  young.  When  the  boy  was  well 
enough  fitted  he  was  sent  off  to  college,  abroad  or  in  the  other 
colonies.  The  greater  part  of  the  boys  who  went  to  college  from 
Craven  entered  Princeton. 


•0.  B.,  Vol.  VI,  p.  265. 


Cakolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  53 

In  spite  of  Craven  being  the  center  of  learning  of  the  prov- 
ince, we  do  not  find  any  efforts  for  a  public  school  until  1764  on 
record.  Yet,  it  is  improbable  to  think  that  there  were  not  some 
public  schools  in  the  province,  because  we  hear  every  once  in  a 
while  of  the  particular  pains  taken  in  educating  the  negro  and 
Indian  in  Craven  county.  In  1761  we  find  the  first  public  school. 
Rev.  Mr.  Reed  wrote  a  letter,  elated  June  21,  1764,  with  this  ex- 
tract concerning  the  school  at  New  Bern:  "We  have  now  the 
prospect  of  a  very  flourishing  school  in  the  town  of  New  Bern, 
one  which  has  been  greatly  wanted.  In  December  Mr.  Tomlinson, 
a  young  man  who  had  kept  a  school  in  the  county  of  Cumberland 
in  England,  came  here  at  the  invitation  of  his  brother,  an  in- 
habitant of  this  parish.  On  the  first  of  January  he  opened 
school  in  this  county  and  immediately  got  as  many  scholars  as 
he  could  instruct,  and  many  more  have  lately  offered  than  he 
can  possibly  take  to  do  them  justice.  He  has,  therefore,  sent  to 
his  friends  in  England  to  send  him  an  assistant,  and  a  sub- 
scription for  a  school  house  has  been  carried  on  with  success. 
I  have  notes  on  hand  payable  to  myself  for  upwards  of  two 
hundred  pounds  currency  (120  lbs.  sterling)  to  build  a  large 
and  commodious  schoolhouse  in  New  Bern."60 

In  1761  the  Assembly  passed  an  Act  allowing  a  school  house 
to  be  built  in  New  Bern  by  a  subscription  of  private  citizens. 
This  subscription  was  taken  up  by  Mr.  Reed,  who  was  one  of 
the  most  earnest  promoters  of  the  school.  He  first  received  the 
promise  of  the  money  and  had  great  difficulty  collecting  it  later. 
In  May,  1765,  a  petition,  signed  by  Mr.  Reed,  and  thirty-nine 
principal  inhabitants  of  New  Bern  and  the  vicinity,  was  sent 
to  Governor  Tryon,  requesting  him  to  represent  to  the  Society 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  the  earnest  desire  of  the 
petitioners  that  the  Society  would  assist  them  by  granting  Mr. 
Tomlinson  an  annual  stipend,  in  order  that  he  might  be  able 
to  continue  in  New  Bern  and  instruct  their  children,  "in  such 
branches  of  useful  learning  as  are  necessary  in  several  of  the 
offices  and  stations  in  life,  and  imprint  on  their  tender  minds 
the  principles  of  the  Christian  religion  agreeable  to  the  Estab- 


•C.  R.,  Vol  I,  p.   1,048. 


54  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

lished  Church  of  England."  The  memorial  is  signed  by  the 
following  names:  James  Reed,  missionary,  Thos.  C.  Howard, 
Samuel  Cornell,  John  Williams,  Richard  Cogdell,  James  Davis, 
Peter  Cornwell,  John  Clitherall,  Jacob  Blunt,  Richard  Ellis, 
John  Franck,  Thos.  Pollock,  Bernard  Parkinson,  Wm.  Wilton, 
Christ.  Neale,  Thos.  Sitgreaves,  Corn.  Grosnendeyk,  Jno.  Green, 
John  Fonville,  Longfield  Cox  and  many  others.61 

Governor  Tryon  forwarded  this  petition  to  the  Society  with 
his  hearty  approval,  giving  Mr.  Tomlinson  a  high  character. 
The  Society  granted  him  a  yearly  stipend  of  ten  pounds  at  first, 
and  later  fifteen.  Before  this,  he  had  been  receiving  from  his 
thirty  students  sixty  pounds  sterling  all  told  annually.62 

The  property  of  the  school  building  was  taken  from  the 
church  which  was  changed  for  a  lot  better  situated  on  the  corner 
of  Pollock  and  Craven  Streets.  There  was  probably  only  one 
building  used  as  school  house  and  residence  of  the  instructor.63 
The  building  was  started  in  1765,  and  in  1766  we  find  a  letter 
of  Mr.  Reed  to  the  secretary  of  the  Society  that  the  building 
is  going  on  slowly.  In  July  of  the  same  year,  he  writes  that 
the  house  has  been  closed  in  and  that  the  slow  progress  is  due 
to  the  lack  of  money,  men,  and  materials, — money  particularly. 
The  floors  were  still  to  be  laid  and  the  chimney  to  be  built.  That 
the  work  might  not  stop  at  this  stage  he  drew  upon  the  treasurer 
of  the  Society  for  his  salary  for  the  preceding  half  year,  and 
sent  the  draft  to  New  York  to  buy  bricks  for  the  chimney.  Be- 
sides that,  he  made  every  attempt  to  raise  more  money  by  sub- 
scriptions. 

The  school  house  when  completed  was  a  frame  structure 
forty-five  feet  long  and  thirty  feet  wide.  It  is  probable  that 
Mr.  Tomlinson  moved  into  this  building  the  last  of  1766  or  the 
beginning  of  1767.  The  school  was  incorporated  by  an  Act  of 
the  Assembly  in  1766.64  The  Act  directed  that  the  subscribers 
of  the  Academy  Fund  should  hold  a  meeting  on  the  first  Tues- 
day in  April,  1767,  when  they  should  elect  eleven  men  of  their 


cl  DeRossett,  Church  History,  pp.  172-3. 

63  O.  E.,  Vol.  VII,  p.  98. 
6S  DeRossett,  p.  172. 

64  Moore,  p.   44. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  55 

number  to  form  a  board  of  trustees.  These  trustees,  when  thus 
elected,  were  to  constitute  a  closed  corporation  to  hold  the  prop- 
erty of  the  school  and  to  manage  its  affairs  under  the  name  and 
style  of  the  "Incorporated  Society  for  Promoting  and  Estab- 
lishing the  Public  School  in  New  Bern."  The  second  section 
provides  that  the  master  shall  be  a  member  of  the  Episcopal 
Church,  chosen  by  the  trustees  and  licensed  by  the  governor. 

The  Act  further  provides  for  an  extra  tax  on  distilled  spirits 
of  one  penny  per  gallon  on  all  imported  into  the  Neuse  and 
Trent  Rivers,  for  the  purpose  of  the  support  of  the  school  at 
New  Bern.05  The  main  object  of  this  special  tax  was  to  pay  Mr. 
Tomlinson  twenty  pounds  yearly  towards  the  salary  of  an  assis- 
tant teacher.  This  Act  was  continued  in  force  for  seven  years. 
In  consideration  for  the  revenue  thus  granted  to  the  school  ten 
poor  children,  whose  parents  were  unable  to  pay  their  tuition, 
should  be  nominated  by  the  trustees  and  these  children  were 
to  receive  the  benefits  of  the  school  free  of  charge.  This  is  the 
only  public  provision  ever  made  for  the  school.  In  1768  Mr. 
Reed  estimated  that  this  duty  on  spirits  would  yield  an  annual 
income  of  sixty  pounds,  which  would  be  sufficient  to  pay  Mr. 
Tomlinson  twenty  pounds  towards  the  salary  of  his  assistant  and 
also  to  supply  during  the  seven  years  of  his  continuance  a  fund 
which  would  pay  off  all  indebtedness  of  the  trustees  and  enable 
them  to  complete  the  building.66  Besides  this  revenue  the  trus- 
tees received  from  the  Assembly  twenty  pounds  to  hold  their 
meetings  in  a  room  of  the  school  building.  From  1769  to  1761 
they  received  forty  pounds  annually  from  the  same  source.67 
Also  there  was  another  small  income  available  for  the  purposes 
of  the  school.  There  were  two  half  cut  off  lots  from  the  church 
yard  which  were  leased  out  for  twenty-one  years  and  constituted 
the  beginning  of  a  fund  intended  for  the  permanent  endowment 
of  the  Academy.  All  this  revenue  for  the  school  amounted  to 
more  than  was  expected.  In  March,  1772,  Mr.  Reed  sent  the 
following  account  of  the  income  and  expense  of  the  school  for 
the  preceding  three  years: 


65  C.  B.,  Vol.  VII,  p.   443. 

66  DeRossett,  p.   175. 

67  Ibid.,  p.   176. 


56  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Cr. 

By  net  proceeds  for   duty  on  liquors   £  247,11,  4 

Eent   of   school  chamber   by  Assembly   £  100,00,  0 

Ground    rent,    first    payment    1771    £  19,10,  0 

£     367,01,  4 

Annual  Income £     122,07,  1 

Dr. 

To  assistant   master  £       20,00,  0 

Poor  scholars,  ten  at  £4  £       40,00,  0 

Books,   paper,    and    firewood    £       10,00,  0 

Total    £       70,00,  0 

Balance    for    repairs    £       52,07,  1 

Expense    £     122,07,  1 

This  revenue  was  allowed  by  the  Assembly  in  payment  for 
the  good  the  public  received  from  the  school. 

This  school  was  the  first  of  its  kind  in  the  colony,  and  the 
first  school  house  established  in  the  province  by  legislative  au- 
thority. This  school  was  kept  open  for  many  years  after  the 
war.  But  the  school  lost  its  first  teacher,  Mr.  Tomlinson,  by  an 
act  of  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  trustees.  Mr.  Reed,  in  several 
letters,  took  the  part  of  the  instructor.  He  had  been  an  admirable 
teacher  and  master  of  the  school,  according  to  Mr.  Reed,  but 
he  believed  in  making  the  students  behave  and  study  and  when 
they  did  not  do  this  he  used  the  only  known  method  of  com- 
pelling them  to  do  so, — that  Avas  the  switch.  This  offended  the 
parents  of  some  of  the  students,  who  were  members  of  the  board 
of  trustees.  These,  according  to  Mr.  Tomlinson,  stopped  his  pay 
and  he  had  to  sue  for  it.  The  trustees  discharged  him,  but  Mr. 
Parrott,  who  was  to  succeed  him,  refused  to  accept  the  place 
after  learning  how  Mr.  Tomlinson  had  been  treated,  and  so  Mr. 
Tomlinson  kept  the  school  until  he  voluntarily  retired.  His  re- 
tirement, according  to  his  own  letters,  was  caused  by  the  action 
of  the  trustees.  During  the  year  of  1772  he  left  New  Bern  and 
removed  to  Rhode  Island.  Not  only  did  Mr.  Reed  take  sides 
with  Tomlinson,  but  also  Governor  Martin  went  so  far  as  to 
say  that  he  wished  that  the  Act  incorporating  the  trustees  would 


Caeolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  57 

be  repealed  for  their  conduct.68  The  people  of  New  Bern  and 
its  vicinity  drove  away  one  of  their  best  citizens. 

De  Rossett  says:  "Mr.  Tomlinson  must  be  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  line  of  professional  teachers  whose  work  has  gone 
into  the  history  of  North  Carolina.  There  had  been  ministers, 
before  his  day,  or  contemporary  with  him,  who,  acting  also  as 
school  teachers,  had  done  and  were  doing  an  incalculable  work 
for  the  State,  which  was  to  be  in  training  to  guide  and  govern 
it  in  its  development  to  wealth  and  power,  but  so  far  as  the 
writer  is  informed,  Mr.  Tomlinson  was  the  first  professional 
teacher  who  had  under  his  training  a  large  element  of  the  youth 
of  the  colony.  New  Bern  and  the  district  about  it  were  fruitful 
of  men  of  eminence  and  of  influence  in  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
and  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  centuries.  Many  of  these 
must  have  laid  the  foundation  of  their  intellectual  and  moral 
training  in  the  New  Bern  Academy  between  the  years  1764  and 
1772,  while  Mr.  Tomlinson  presided  as  master."00  Governor 
Tryon  said  of  Mr.  Tomlinson  that  he  was  the  only  man  in  the 
county  who  was  a  true  professional  school  teacher.  Not  only 
was  Mr.  Tomlinson  a  great  professional  character  in  his  business, 
but  a  good  member  of  society.  AVhen  North  Carolina  lost  him 
it  lost  one  of  its  greatest  benefactors. 

The  New  Bern  Academy  was  established  and  managed  ac- 
cording to  the  orders  of  the  Church  of  England.  The  minister 
was  the  main  founder  of  it.  Mr.  James  Reed  and  the  master 
were  compelled  to  be  members  of  the  English  Church.  Yet,  the 
people  did  not  look  upon  it  with  any  prejudice  because  it  was  a 
church  school.  This  fact  is  shown  by  the  names  of  the  most 
prominent  men  of  the  province  and  county  being  on  the 
list  of  subscribers,  also  as  trustees  and  as  petitioners 
for  the  salary  given  to  Mr.  Tomlinson  by  the  Society.  Again, 
the  children  of  the  most  prominent  men  in  the  province  attended 
school  there  under  Mr.  Tomlinson  and  his  assistant,  Mr.  James 
McCartney.  In  fact,  this  school  had  the  hearty  support  of  all 
the  people  of  North  Carolina. 


1  DeRossett,  p.   176. 
1  Ibid.,  p.   177. 


58  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

This  school  established  in  New  Bern  in  1764  has  had  more 
influence  upon  the  history  of  the  early  state  of  North  Carolina 
than  any  other  institution  save  the  University.  It  is  a  fact  that 
the  leading  men  of  the  State  from  1790  to  1835  came  from  the 
eastern  part  around  New  Bern,  Cape  Fear,  and  Edenton.  The 
majority  of  these  men  received  the  foundation  of  their  training 
at  the  New  Bern  Academy.  Too  little  space  is  given  in  history 
to  that  mother  of  schools  in  North  Carolina. 

TRYON 

Including  a  Brief  Sketch  of  Regulation  Movement  As  Far 
As  It  Concerned  Craven  County 

In  1764  Governor  Dobbs,  failing  in  health,  was  relieved  of 
his  more  active  duties  of  office,  they  being  placed  upon  William 
Tryon,  who  was  made  lieutenant-governor  of  North  Carolina. 
But  Governor  Dobbs  never  left  Carolina,  as  he  intended,  for  in 
the  spring  of  1765  he  died,  and  Tryon  was  made  temporary  gov- 
ernor of  the  colony  until  the  fall.  At  this  time  he  was  made 
permanent  governor  by  the  king.  He  first  lived  in  Brunswick, 
but  later,  after  having  his  palace  built  in  New  Bern,  lived  there 
during  the  remainder  of  his  stay  in  North  Carolina. 

Tryon  as  a  man  is  well  described  by  Fitch,  thus :  ' '  Tryon 
was  a  soldier  by  profession  and  looked  upon  the  sword  as  the 
true  sceptre  of  the  government.  He  knew  when  to  flatter  and 
when  to  threaten;  he  knew  when  discretion  was  the  better  part 
of  valor,  and  when  to  use  such  force  and  cruelty  as  achieved 
for  him  from  the  Cherokee  Indians  the  bloody  title  of  'The 
Great  Wolf  of  North  Carolina.'  He  could  use  courtesy  towards 
the  assembly  room  when  he  desired  large  appropriations  for  his 
palace ;  and  he  knew  how  to  bring  to  bear  blandishments  of  the 
female  society  of  his  family,  and  all  the  appliances  of  generous 
hospitality.  Indeed,  he  did  know  how  to  bring  to  bear  blandish- 
ments of  the  female  society  of  his  family."70  It  is  said  and  be- 
lieved by  many  people  that  his  wife  and  her  sister,  Miss  Wake, 

70  Fitch,   p.   30. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  59 

who  made  her  home  with  the  governor,  helped  and  advised  hfm 
in  all  his  plans,  either  social  or  political.  Mrs.  Tryon  and  her 
sisters  are  spoken  of  by  all  the  older  historians  as  being  charm- 
ing and  entertaining  ladies.71  Anyway,  they  had  a  great  deal 
of  influence  over  the  governor,  and  over  the  social  circles  of  the 
capital  of  the  province.  Miss  Wake  was  honored  by  the  people 
of  Carolina  by  their  giving  her  name  to  one  of  the  now  metro- 
politan counties  of  North  Carolina.  The  name  of  the  county 
of  Tryon  was  changed  after  the  Kevolutionary  "War,  but  Wake 
county  is  still  a  memorial  to  his  sister-in-law. 

Tryon,  with  all  the  good  influences  around  him,  denied  the 
western  counties  their  rights.  Dr.  Williamson  says  it  was  a 
good  thing  for  the  western  counties  that  Tryon  was  not  bigoted. 
He  was  not  an  ideal  governor,  but  he  was  undoubtedly  the  best 
governor  who  had  ruled  the  province  up  to  this  time  and  up  to 
the  War  of  Independence.  He  did  punish  the  western  coun- 
ties for  the  failure  of  officers  to  do  their  duty.  But  despite  that 
he  did  more  for  the  province  than  anyone  before  him.  He  was 
one  of  the  main  advocates  for  the  establishment  of  the  public 
school  in  New  Bern,  and  partly  through  his  efforts  the  Assembly 
chartered  the  Academy  in  1766.  He  also  sent  several  petitions 
to  the  Society  for  the  aid  of  the  church  and  schools  in  the  prov- 
ince. It  was  indeed  his  misfortune  that  he  had,  in  order  to  keep 
his  governorship,  to  collect  taxes,  to  enforce  the  navigation  acts, 
and  to  press  the  Stamp  Act  upon  the  people. 

The  one  thing  that  he  cannot  be  excused  of  is  his  attitude 
toward  the  regulators.  He  allowed  them  representatives  in  the 
Assembly  until  Herman  Husband,  the  representative  from 
Orange  county,  when  asked  why  his  people  did  not  pay  their 
taxes,  threw  the  tax  money  on  the  table  before  the  governor  and 
remarked:  "I  brought  it  to  keep  it  from  dwindling,  seeing 
that  when  passing  through  so  many  fingers  it,  like  a  cake  of  soap, 
grows  less  at  each  handling."  Tryon  eyed  him,  and  after  the 
disapproval  of  his  council,  had  Chief  Justice  Howard,  who  was 
a  member  of  the  council,  to  issue  a  warrant  for  his  apprehension, 
and  had  him  placed  in  the  jail  at  New  Bern  where  he  was  con- 

71  Moore,   p.   41. 


60  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

fined  for  a  few  days.  He  was  released  only  when  the  governor 
heard  that  two  hundred  regulators  had  crossed  Haw  River  and 
were  marching  to  New  Bern  to  free  him.72  In  fact,  the  gov- 
ernor had  fortifications  erected  and  Colonel  Leach  with  his 
troops  placed  in  the  trenches  to  protect  New  Bern  from  the 
Regulators.  Tryon,  in  order  to  have  a  secure  hold  on  him, 
brought  an  indictment  against  him  that  he  might  have  him  tried 
in  New  Bern  by  a  grand  jury  of  the  New  Bern  precinct.  This 
jury  failed  to  find  a  bill  against  Husband  and  he  was  dismissed. 
Even  though  the  governor  used  his  greatest  energy  against  him, 
and,  for  the  purpose  of  turning  the  people  of  the  east, — espe- 
cially Craven,- — against  the  Regulators,  it  took  him  from  April, 
1769,  to  February,  1771,  to  find  a  jury  who  returned  a  true 
bill  against  Husband.73 

Again,  the  existing  conditions  in  each  part  were  different 
without  any  communication.  Tryon,  the  hater  of  the  Regulators, 
lived  in  the  east  and  practically  controlled  many  of  the  leaders. 
The  people  of  Craven  county  were  not  expected  to  show  sym- 
pathy for  the  people  of  the  west,  since  Tryon  lived  in  the  east. 
Yet  besides  the  refusal  to  find  a  true  bill  against  Hus- 
band by  the  people  of  New  Bern  district,  the  militia  of  Craven 
county  for  three  days  refused  to  march  against  him.  Tryon, 
speaking  of  the  Craven  militia,  said  that  the  militia  was  not  to 
be  relied  upon.74  In  1770  Tryon  started  his  campaign  against 
the  Regulators  in  earnest.  The  militia  of  Craven  and  Beaufort 
under  Leach  formed  the  right  wing  of  the  front.  Craven  in  all 
had  four  companies  of  infantry  and  one  of  artillery.  These 
played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  whole  campaign  of  Tryon. 
Several  members  of  the  militia  from  Craven  county  were  killed 
in  the  battle  of  Alamance.  One  officer  that  was  killed  there 
was  ensign  William  Bryan,  of  Craven  county. 

TRYON'S  PALACE 

On  November  24,  1766,  the  Assembly  passed  a  bill  for  the 
erection  of  a  convenient  building  within  the  town  of  New  Bern 
for  the  residence  of  the  governor  and  commander-in-chief  for  the 

72  C.  R.,  Vol.  VIII,  p.   500. 

73  Ibid.,  p.   iv. 

74  C.  R.,  Vol.  VIII,  p.   546. 


Carolina  and  Craven  uounty  or  Precinct  61 

time  being.75  This  bill  was  said  to  have  been  suggested  by  the 
king  first,  but  Tryon  was  the  main  power  that  pushed  it  through 
the  Assembly  with  the  aid  of  his  friends  and  relations. 
The  execution  of  the  bill  was  put  under  his  orders  and  direc- 
tions solely.76  The  governor's  tastes  and  desires  for  luxury 
were  paid  for  by  the  collection  of  almost  intolerable  taxes  from 
the  people  of  the  province,  who  had  few  resources  and  less 
money.  The  building  of  the  palace  had  many  results.  First, 
it  made  the  people  of  both  the  east  and  west  look  upon  Tryon 
as  a  man  seeking  only  self-elevation,  and  caused  them  to  com- 
plain bitterly  against  the  taxes.  This  was  the  first  step  that 
led  the  people  to  revolt  so  soon  against  the  undue  oppression  of 
the  king.  It  was  a  great  thing  for  New  Bern  and  Craven  county 
because  it  brought  the  officials  of  the  province  into  the  county 
and  made  the  social  circles  of  Craven  the  best  in  the  province. 
Again,  it  brought  trade  to  New  Bern  and  put  some  little  money 
into  circulation.  Also,  it  helped  to  make  Tryon  known  to  all 
America. 

Tryon  estimated  that  it  would  cost  about  £14,710,  but  when 
the  building  was  completed  it  was  at  an  expense  of  £17,815 
besides  the  furniture.  When  it  was  finished  and  the  governor 
moved  in,  it  had  cost  the  people  of  North  Carolina  at  least 
£20,000,— or  $100,000.  Tryon  procured  John  Hawkes  to  super- 
intend the  construction  of  it.  He  had  come  to  America  with 
Tryon  and  was  a  near  relative  to  the  Dr.  Hawks,  historian,  who 
lived  in  New  Bern.77  Skilled  artisans  came  from  Philadelphia 
to  do  the  work.  The  work  on  the  mansion  began  August  26, 
1767.  In  December  Tryon  reported  that  the  work  was  being 
steadily  pushed  ahead  for  completion.  And  in  October,  1770, 
it  was  completed  and  the  governor  moved  in.  In  January  the 
public  records  were  moved  into  the  palace.7S 

It  was  situated  on  a  square  of  six  acres  condemned  land 
bounded  by  Eden,  Metcalf,  and  Pollock  Streets  and  Trent  Riv- 
er.79 The  present  George  Street  was  part  of  the  walk  that  led 
to  the  main  building. 

75  Ibid.,  Vol.  VII,  p.  320. 

76  Ibid.,  p.   2  66. 

77  Haywood,    64. 

78  G.  R„  Vol.  VII,  p.  695. 
reVass,  p.   90. 


62  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Almost  all  the  material  came  from  England,  especially  bricks 
and  prepared  material.  Even  the  plumbers  and  their  lead  to 
the  amount  of  eight  tons  came  from  London.80 

The  contract  that  was  made  called  for  a  two-story  main 
building,  but  by  the  authority  of  some  one  it  was  made  a  three- 
story  one,  eighty-seven  feet  high  in  front,  and  fifty-nine  feet 
wide.  This  main  building  was  the  governor's  headquarters,  the 
right  wing  a  two-story  building  of  some  expensive  material  and 
workmanship  was  the  secretary's  office.  The  left  wing  resem- 
bling the  right  in  every  particular  was  the  servant's  headquar- 
ters. The  three  buildings  were  connected  by  covered  colonnades, 
of  five  columns  each.  "Between  the  two  wings  in  front  of  the 
main  building  was  a  handsome  court.  The  rear  of  the  building 
was  finished  in  the  style  of  the  Mansion  House  in  London.81 
The  ends  of  the  buildings  were  beautifully  decorated^  with 
statues,  and  other  work  of  sculpture.  Marble  from  Italy  was 
not  spared,  because  of  price,  but  used  freely.  The  ball  room  was 
not  forgotten,  because  it  was  there  that  Tryon,  as  Maurice  Moore 
says,  acted  too  much  like  a  ruler.  In  the  council  chamber  there 
was  a  handsomely-designed  chimney  piece,  containing  decora- 
tions of  Ionic  statuary,  with  columns  of  Sienna,  the  fretwork 
of  frieze  being  also  inlaid  with  the  latter  material.  In  addition 
to  this,  and  above  the  whole,  were  richly  ornamental  marble 
tablets,  on  which  were  the  medallions  of  King  George  and  his 
queen.82 

Over  the  door  of  antechamber  was  a  Latin  verse  showing 
that  it  was  dedicated  to  Sir  William  Draper,  in  translation  by 
Martin  Means;  it  read: 

"In  the  reign  of  a  monarch,  who  goodness  disclosed, 
A  free  happy  people,  to  dread  tyrants  opposed, 
Have  to  virtue  and  merit  erected  this  dome; 
May  the  owner  and  household  make  the  loved  home, 
Where  religion,  the  arts  and  laws  may  invite, 
Future  ages  to  live  in  sweet  peace  and  delight."8* 


80  C.  R.,  Vol.  VIII.  pp.   7- 
81Vass,   p.   91. 

82  Haywood,   p.   65. 

83  Ibid. 


Caeolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  63 

The  main  part  and  left  wing  were  burned  in  1798.  The  right 
wing  remains  today,  and  is  used  as  a  residence  by  a  family 
named  Duffy. 

This  palace  was  by  far  the  most  splendid  in  North  America, 
and  if  we  can  believe  the  unfortunate  General  Don  Francisco 
de  Miranda,  of  South  America,  who  visited  the  edifice  in  1783, 
in  company  of  Judge  Martin,  there  was  not  one  in  South  Amer- 
ica which  could  come  up  with  it.  He  said :  ' '  Even  in  South 
America,  a  land  of  palaces,  it  has  no  equal."84  Tryon  only 
enjoyed  his  mansion  a  year  when  he  went  to  New  York. 

NEW  BERN 

New  Bern,  the  county  seat  of  Craven  county  and  the  capital 
of  the  province  for  many  years  was  the  largest  town  in  North 
Carolina  up  until  the  war  and  afterwards.  In  1777,  Mr.  Watson 
on  his  journey  passed  through  New  Bern  said  then  there  were 
about  a  hundred  and  fifty  houses.  In  1796  Mr.  "Winterbothan 
says,  "New  Bern  is  the  largest  town  in  the  State.  It  contains 
about  four  hundred  houses  all  built  of  wood  save  the  palace,  jail, 
church  and  two  residences.  .  .  .  The  Episcopal  Church  is 
a  small  brick  building  with  a  bell."S5 

New  Bern  is  thought  to  have  been  laid  off  in  May  or  June, 
1710,  by  Colonel  Thomas  Pollock  and  John  Lawson.  It  is  situ- 
ated on  a  neck  of  land  at  the  confluence  of  the  Neuse  and  Trent 
Rivers.  It  is  bounded  on  one  side  by  the  Neuse  and  on  the  other 
by  the  Trent,  and  on  the  back  by  Jack  Smith  Creek.  The  place 
was  formerly  called  Chattawka  from  the  Indians  who  lived  there 
and  who  were  in  alliance  with  the  Tuscaroras,  with  whom,  in 
1715,  they  went  to  New  York.86  De  Graffenried  purchased  it 
from  King  Taylor  and  changed  the  name  to  New  Bern  in  honor 
of  his  and  Mitchell 's  birthplace.  For  the  first  year  it  seems  that 
things  went  well  with  New  Bern,  other  settlers  besides  the  Swiss 
and  Palatines,  chiefly  English,  settled  there  and  there  was  a  de- 
cided step  forward  in  prosperity.87     The  people  of  New  Bern 


84  Fitch,   p.   45. 

85  Winterbothan   History  of  N.   C,   Vol.   Ill,   p.    199. 
36  North  Carolina  Booklet,  Vol.  I,  p.  12. 

87  Ibid. 


64  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

received  a  severe  blow  by  the  Indian  massacre  of  1711,  but  re- 
covered. In  1714  De  Graffenried  mortgaged  the  land  on  which 
New  Bern  stands  to  Thomas  Pollock  for  the  sum  of  eight  hun- 
dred pounds.  Pollock  willed  it  to  his  son  Cullen.88  As  soon  as 
De  Graffenried  mortgaged  his  land  he  left  for  England,  leaving 
the  colony  in  a  bad  condition.  The  colonists  were  sorry  to  see 
him  leave  but  the  town  which  he  had  founded  did  not  languish 
under  the  new  regime.  Houses  were  built,  streets  were  laid  off 
and  fields  cleared,  soon  houses  stretched  from  one  river  to  the 
other. 

In  1723  New  Bern  was  fixed  as  seat  of  Craven  precinct  and 
a  bill  passed  the  Assembly  for  the  building  of  a  court  house 
there.  In  1723  New  Bern  was  incorporated  as  the  third  town 
in  the  province  and  was  really  the  only  town,  since,  as  Dr. 
Hawks  says,  Bath  was  only  a  hamlet  and  Edenton  was  smaller 
than  it. 

In  1729  New  Bern  remained  the  county  seat.  In  1736  the 
quit  rents  of  both  Craven  and  Carteret  counties  were  paid  at 
New  Bern  in  gold  or  silver.S9  New  Bern  was  the  seat  of  all 
courts,  the  supreme  court  of  Craven,  Carteret,  Johnston,  Beau- 
fort and  Hyde.  The  Court  of  Chancery  was  held  in  New  Bern 
on  the  first  Tuesday  in  December  and  June.  This  was  started 
in  1736  by  Governor  Johnston.  The  courts  of  Oyer  and  Term- 
iner were  held  there  also  on  the  third  Tuesday  in  April  and 
October.  It  was  there  that  the  land  office  was  kept  open  for 
three  weeks  so  that  the  governor  could  listen  to  and  settle  land 
disputes. 

In  a  letter  of  Governor  Johnston,  dated  1763,  he  says,  "But  I 
hope  we  shall  be  more  regular  for  the  future,  for  in  a  recent 
Assembly  held  at  Wilmington  I  have  got  a  law  passed  for  fixing 
the  seat  of  government  at  New  Bern,  and  a  tax  for  a  public 
building."90  Before  the  passage  of  this  bill  the  As- 
sembly and  courts  had  been  held  at  Edenton,  near  the 
border  of  Virginia,  while  the  representatives  were  mostly  from 
Cape  Fear  section.  The  governor  attended  several  of  the  meet- 
ings but  he  could  not  force  the  majority  of  the  council  to  leave 

89  G.  B.,  Vol.  IV,  p.   186. 
mIbid.,   844. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  65 

their  business  and  plantations  for  three  times  a  year  and  travel 
backward  and  forward  twelve  hundred  miles  when  they  had 
neither  salary  nor  reward  for  so  doing.  This  was  the  main 
reason  why  he  got  the  law  passed  at  Wilmington  for  fixing  the 
General  Assembly  and  courts  at  New  Bern,  the  center  of  the 
province.  The  passage  of  this  bill  caused  a  disturbance  in  sev- 
eral places.91  Bath,  Wilmington,  and  Edenton  all  were  jealous 
of  New  Bern.     Each  wanted  to  be  the  capital  of  the  province. 

The  Assembly  met  for  the  first  time  in  New  Bern  in  1736 
and  continued  to  meet  there  until  about  1749. 

New  Bern  flourished  while  it  was  the  capital,  many  rich  mer- 
chants lived  there.  The  best  people  of  the  province  moved  there. 
Trade  increased  and  the  town  grew  at  a  rapid  rate.  But  as 
soon  as  the  public  business  was  carried  away  complaints  were 
heard  among  its  people  which  is  shown  by  an  extract  from  a 
letter  by  John  Campbell  to  Richard  Cogdell  of  New  Bern  dated 
1761.92 

"The  account  of  the  dullness  of  your  town  and  business  in 
it  I  am  sorry  for,  but  the  thinking  people  in  it  and  about  it 
must  thank  themselves  who  drove  away  the  government  officers. 
These  people  could  not  bear  a  little  flow  of  money,  but  grew  so 
proud  and  insolent.  They  will  feel  the  reverse  and  now  may 
reflect  on  themselves  when  too  late." 

It  is  true  that  the  people  of  New  Bern  did  not  take  the  in- 
terest they  should  have  in  preparing  for  the  officers.  Governor 
Johnston  says  in  a  letter  dated  December  28,  1748,  "One  mighty 
inconvenience  we  have  to  struggle  with  at  present  is  that  nobody 
cares  to  lay  in  provisions  for  man  or  horse  at  New  Bern  though 
it  is  the  most  fruitful  and  central  part  of  the  province,  such 
pains  are  taken  to  assure  the  people  that  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment will  be  removed,  when  they  get  five  members  restored,  but 
no  one  cares  for  advancing  money  to  entertain  the  public,  so  that 
in  a  fortnight  or  three  weeks'  time  we  are  obliged  to  separate 
for  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  Things  would  soon  take  an- 
other change  if  this  point  was  determined."93     The  inhabitants 


C.    R.,   Vol.    IV,    p.    1086. 
'Ibid.,  p.    844. 
O.  B.,  Vol.  4,  p.   1166. 


66  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

of  New  Bern  did  not  realize  what  was  the  benefit  of  being  the 
capital  until  it  was  removed,  which  took  place  between  1746 
and  1750.  Between  1750  and  1762  the  Assembly  was  held  in 
no  special  town.  When  Dobbs  became  governor  he  appointed 
Tower  Hill  on  the  Neuse  as  capital  in  1758.  The  people  peti- 
tioned the  king  to  make  New  Bern  capital  again  because  it  was 
more  central,  better  located  and  had  better  navigation  facilities 
than  Tower  Hill.94  Yet  some  people  objected  to  having  it  for 
capital  because  of  its  hot  climate  and  unhealthy  atmosphere. 
Finally  in  1766  New  Bern  was  selected  as  the  permanent  capital 
of  North  Carolina  and  the  palace  was  built  there.95 

The  effects  of  the  capital  being  moved  there  were  immediately 
felt.  In  1767  we  have  a  report  which  says  that  trade  was  in- 
creasing rapidly.90  In  1772,  two  years  after  the  palace  was 
completed,  Tryon  says,  "New  Bern  is  growing  rapidly  into  sig- 
nificance in  spite  of  the  great  natural  difficulties  of  the  naviga- 
tion leading  to  it,  and  its  importance,  I  hope,  will  become  greater 
as  the  spirit  of  improvement."97  New  Bern  had  a  large  trade, 
its  harbor  was  always  full  of  boats  or  vessels  from  Virginia, 
Bermuda  and  the  West  Indies  and  New  England.  It  exported 
great  quantities  of  tar,  pitch,  turpentine  and  other  naval  sup- 
plies direct  to  England,  also  large  quantities  of  corn,  beeswax, 
hams,  and  deerskins  were  shipped  from  New  Bern.98  New 
Bern  was  on  a  post  road  which  began  at  Suffolk,  Virginia,  came 
down  by  Roanoke,  Pamlico  River,  Bath,  through  New  Bern  on 
to  South  Carolina  by  New  River,  Wilmington  and  Brunswick. 
Thirty-eight  miles  of  this  route  was  in  Mr.  James  Davis'  charge 
for  mails.  For  his  service  he  received  annually  one  hundred 
and  six  pounds,  six  shillings  and  eight  pence. 

On  August  15,  1769,  a  terrible  storm  struck  New  Bern.  The 
banks  of  the  rivers  were  washed  down,  warehouses  were  smashed 
open  and  their  goods  floated  away.  Some  three  persons  were 
killed.  One  man,  describing  it  to  a  friend,  says:  "New  Bern 
is  really  now  a  spectacle,  her  streets  full  of  the  tops  of  houses, 


aiIbid.,  Vol.  6,  p.   875. 
95  Ibid.,  Vol.  7,  p.  44. 
98  Ibid.,  p.   499. 
97  Ibid.,  Vol.   9,  p.   281. 
98Vass,   p.   89. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  67 

timbers,  shingles,  dry  goods,  barrels,  and  hogsheads,  most  of 
them  empty  rubbish,  in  so  much  you  can  hardly  pass  along, — a 
few  days  ago  so  nourishing."99  Crops,  cattle,  sheep,  hogs,  were 
washed  away  and  destroyed.  There  was  no  place  on  the  coast 
that  suffered  like  New  Bern.  One  entire  street  was  destroyed. 
The  printing  office  of  Mr.  James  Davis  was  destroyed  with  all 
the  type,  papers,  and  what  money  he  had.  New  Bern  was  not 
able  to  pay  the  expenses  of  this  storm  for  a  while,  but  soon 
caught  up  and  surpassed  her  former  position. 

New  Bern  besides  her  commercial  business  had  other  busi- 
nesses, namely,-  manufacturing.  In  1772  Mr.  Richard  Graham 
set  up  a  pot  and  pearlash  factory  which  helped  New  Bern 
greatly.  In  1775  New  Bern  had  one  of  the  only  two  rum  distill- 
eries in  North  Carolina,  it  turned  out  annually  two  hundred 
hogsheads  of  rum,  made  from  molasses.  The  other  one  was  at 
"Wilmington  and  had  a  capacity  of  five  hundreds  hogsheads 
annually.100 

New  Bern  was  not  only  the  largest  town  in  the  province,  the 
seat  of  the  government,  the  great  commercial  and  manufacturing 
town,  but  also  the  seat  of  the  best  education,  religion,  and  social 
circle  of  the  province. 

In  1767  the  New  Bern  Academy  was  chartered,  which  was 
in  New  Bern,  and  the  first  of  its  kind  in  the  province.  Also 
there  were  several  private  schools  there. 

The  social  circle  of  New  Bern  was  composed  of 
the  government  officials,  rich  merchants  and  the  wealthiest 
people  of  the  province. 

The  people  of  New  Bern  were  as  we  shall  see  ready  to  rebel 
against  unjust  oppression.  Here  happened  in  1765  the  New 
Bern  Stamp  Act  Riot.  In  1775  the  people  seized  the  guns  from 
the  palace  court.  And  in  1775  the  first  two  provincial  con- 
gresses were  held  there.  New  Bern  indeed  played  a  great  part 
in  the  history  of  Craven  county,  of  North  Carolina,  both  before 
and  after  the  War  of  Independence. 


99  C.    R.,   Vol.    VIII,    p.    74. 
M0O.   R.,   Vol.   VIII,    pp.    1,    4. 


68  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

PEOPLE  OF  CRAVEN  COUNTY 

The  first  people  of  Craven  County,  as  we  have  seen,  were 
half  wild  northern  hunters,  as  I  have  found  the  Blounts.  These 
were  as  free  as  the  country  in  which  they  lived.  Brave,  bold, 
and  not  to  be  oppressed  were  the  qualities  or  characteristics  of 
these  early  hunters  and  scattered  families.  They  lived  mostly 
on  game  from  the  forest  and  fish  from  the  rivers.  These  were 
obtained  with  little  effort  and  did  not  encourage  thrift  and 
activeness  in  the  people.  These  were  the  only  inhabitants  until 
1707.  except  a  few  English  who  strayed  across  the  Neuse  after 
1690. 

The  first  real  colony  that  settled  in  Craven  was  the  French 
Protestants,  which  in  1690  fled  from  France  to  Virginia  because 
of  religious  persecution,  thence  to  Craven,  because  of  its  wealth 
in  soil,  plants,  game,  and  freedom.  They  brought  their 
ministers  with  them.  These  French  settlers  were  a  religious, 
Cod-fearing,  liberty-loving  people.  They  were,  as  a  whole,  in- 
dustrious and  thrifty.  Lawson  says  that  they  were  indeed  a 
very  industrious  people,101  soberly  behaved,  and  having  the 
advantages  of  education  and  being  very  bright.  In 
general  the  women  were  the  most  industrious  sex  in  that  place, 
and  saved  money  by  making  their  linens  and  woolens.  The  men 
were  aided  by  nature  to  such  an  extent  that  they  did  not  have 
to  labor  hard  to  provide  for  their  families. 

The  next,  as  we  have  seen,  were  the  German  Palatines, — a 
practical,  smart,  determined,  and  free  people.  Their  object  in 
coming  was  religious  freedom  and  personal  liberty.  In  com- 
pany with  them  were  the  Swiss,  from  the  fatherland  of  democ- 
racy, a  free  country,  a  free  people.  Indeed,  they  were  the  most 
liberty-loving  people  of  all  the  colonists.  They  were  also  re- 
ligious. God-fearing  people.  They,  too,  were  an  industrious, 
capable  people.  In  the  same  year  with  the  Swiss  came  the  small 
groups  of  Welsh  Quakers  and  settled  in  Craven. 

After  1710  the  new  colonists  of  Craven  were  English,  except 
in  1732  another  cluster  of  German  immigrants  landed  in  New 

M1  Lawson,   p.   141. 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  69 

Bern.  The  English  need  no  description  by  me,  their  character- 
istics being  well  known. 

Here  in  such  a  small  extent  of  territory  as  colonial  Craven 
county  were  four  elements  that,  if  mixed,  would  be  the  best 
mixture  that  could  be  made.  They  did  mix,  and  they  did  make 
one  of  the  most  religious,  liberty-loving  people  that  have  been 
found  in  the  colonies,  although  each  race  produced  its  great 
men  of  Craven  county  in  North  Carolina. 

Bancroft  says :  ' '  North  Carolina  was  settled  by  the  freest 
of  the  free,  bravest  of  the  brave.  The  settlers  were  gentle  in 
their  tempers,  of  serene  minds,  enemies  to  violence  and  blood- 
shed."102 "North  Carolina  was  the  most  free  and  independent 
country  ever  organized  by  man.  Freedom  of  conscience,  ex- 
empted from  taxes  save  by  their  own  consent  .  .  .  these 
simple  people  were  as  free  as  the  air  of  their  country,  and 
when  oppressed,  as  rough  as  the  billows  of  the  ocean." 

The  people  of  Craven  county  submitted  to  the  laws  of 
British  rule  so  long  as  they  were  just,  but  as  soon  as  their  rights 
were  stepped  upon  that  spirit  of  freedom  broke  forth  first  in 
the  Stamp  Act  Riot  of  1765,  and  continued  to  show  itself 
throughout  the  war,  and  still  shows  itself. 

The  people  of  Craven  county,  as  in  the  other  sections  of  the 
province,  were  divided  into  three  classes :  First,  the  educated 
abroad  before  or  after  coming  to  America.  Craven  had  more  of 
this  class  than  the  other  counties  of  Carolina  because  all  the 
government  offices  were  there.  Second,  were  the  men  who  had 
made  fortunes  in  land  or  such.  Craven  had  many  of  these, 
especially  rich  merchants  and  land-owners,  and  with  that  many 
slaves.  We  find  from  reading  the  wills  that  this  class  was  pre- 
dominant in  Craven.  Third,  the  common  people,  farmers  and 
so  forth,  Craven  had  her  share  of  these.103 

Life  in  Craven,  as  well  as  in  the  other  eastern  counties,  was 
gay.  The  log  houses  of  the  first  settlers  by  1729  were  mostly 
done  away  with  and  in  their  places  were  the  frame  and  brick 
houses.     These  houses  soon  were  well     furnished,     and     silver 

102  Fitch  p.   25. 

103  Hawks,   II,   p.   572. 


70  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

spoons  and  other  such  articles  were  often  seen.  The  stables  were 
full  of  horses  for  riding  purposes.  And  nature  furnished  the 
eatables  with  no  lax  hand.  Among  the  first  and  second  class 
wealth  abounded  and  was  appreciated.  But  in  all  the  classes 
hospitality  was  unbounded,  and  weddings  and  other  social  occa- 
sions were  largely  attended.  New  Bern  was  the  residence  of  the 
higher  class,  who  attended  the  splendid  balls  given  by  Tryon, 
and  those,  in  return,  given  by  the  rich  merchants.  In  fact,  New 
Bern  was  the  gayest,  liveliest,  and  busiest  town  in  the  province. 
Imported  wines,  rum  from  the  West  Indies,  and  negro  fiddlers 
added  charms  to  the  midnight  revelry  of  all  classes.  The  curled 
and  powdered  gentlemen  and  the  ladies  in  their  hoops  were  never 
so  pleased  as  in  walking  a  minuet  or  betting  at  a  rubber  of 
whist.  Horse  racing  and  fox  chasing  were  in  high  favor  as  a 
pastime. 

The  roads  to  Craven  and  other  counties  were  very  bad.  There 
was  a  road  from  New  Bern  to  Bath.  Communication  was  bad, 
but  the  people  from  all  the  sections  of  the  country  overcame 
the  difficulties  and  went  to  New  Bern  to  see  and  take  part  in 
the  balls  given  by  Tryon.  Craven  county,  after  1736,  was  the 
center  of  gaiety.  Even  though  it  seemed  as  if  the  people  of 
Craven  were  given  to  too  much  revelry,  they  were  not  taken  up 
so  much  with  it  that  they  did  not  flourish  in  wealth,  number,  and 
moral  laws. 

WAR  MOVEMENTS 

We  are  not  surprised  in  finding  the  people  of  eastern  North 
Carolina,  especially  those  of  Craven  county,  revolting  against 
oppression  since  they  were  people  of  such  traits  of  character  as 
we  have  seen  in  the  previous  chapter.  In  Craven  one  of  the 
first  actions  against  unjust  taxation  leaning  towards  force  took 
place. 

Between  1735  and  1740,  when  Johnston  was  governor,  Gran- 
ville's land  agents  were  making  trouble  with  the  colonists,  and 
lawful  taxes  were  doubled  many  times.  The  currency  was  scarce, 
and  gold  and  silver  were  hardly  ever  seen  and  not  enough  Eng- 
lish money  to  pay  the  taxes.     Contentions  frequently  arose  be- 


Carolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  71 

tween  the  rulers  and  the  ruled.  When  Tryon  came,  although 
he  was  a  good  ruler  in  some  respects,  he  made  the  burden  of 
the  colonists  more  grievous.  In  the  year  1765  the  British  Par- 
liament passed  the  odious  "Stamp  Act,"  another  source  of  ob- 
taining money  from  the  colonists  without  their  consent.  This 
was  more  than  the  liberty-loving  people  of  eastern  North  Caro- 
lina could  bear.  Meetings  were  held  from  one  end  of  the  prov- 
ince to  the  other,  in  which  they  expressed  their  indignation  and 
declared  that  they  would  not  submit  to  the  law. 

The  speaker  in  the  Assembly  told  the  governor  that  the  law 
would  be  resisted  to  "blood  and  death."  All  this  had  to  have 
a  climax  which  was  brought  about  by  the  citizens  of  Cape  Fear 
combined  with  those  of  New  Bern,  under  the  lead  of  Colonel 
Ashe  and  Waddell,  both  of  New  Hanover. 

The  Stamp  Act  was  passed  and  was  attempted  to  be  enforced. 
Dr.  William  Houston  was  appointed  stamp  distributor  of  Caro- 
lina and  he  came  to  North  Carolina  as  the  guest  of  Governor 
Tryon.  The  people  of  New  Hanover  learned  of  his  presence  in 
Brunswick.  Immediately  a  body  of  men  under  Ashe  and  Wad- 
dell marched  to  Brunswick.  There  they  went  to  the  house 
of  Tryon,  surrounded  it,  and  demanded  to  speak  with  the  stamp 
agent.  Tryon  at  first  refused  to  allow  this.  Preparations  were 
made  to  set  his  house  on  fire  and  he  realized  that  the  people 
were  in  earnest  and  he  invited  Colonel  Ashe  or  Waddell  into 
his  residence.  He  boldly  entered  and  in  a  few  minutes  returned 
with  the  stamp  distributor.  Tryon  was  made  a  prisoner  in  his 
own  home,  while  Houston  was  hurried  to  Wilmington,  where  he 
resigned  as  stamp  agent  and  took  an  oath  never  to  sell  another 
stamp.  This  occurred  on  November  14,  1765. 104  The  next  day, 
November  15,  1765,  the  people  of  New  Bern  and  its  vicinity  had 
became  so  enraged  that  encouraged  by  the  actions  of  the 
Cape  Fear  people  they  gathered  into  a  mob,  while  the 
Superior  Court  was  being  held  they  tried,  condemned,  hanged, 
and  burned  Dr.  William  Houston  in  effigy.  A  riot  followed  in 
which  no  great  damage  was  done.     This  riot  is  known  as  the 

104  Fitch,   p.   36. 


72  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

New  Bern  riot  of  1765.  Not  only  in  Craven,  but  elsewhere  was 
the  same  thing  done.  From  an  extract  of  a  letter  in  C.  R.  Vol. 
VII,  p.  125,  we  find:  "We  hear  from  the  inhabitants  of  that 
place  (New  Bern)  that  they  tried,  condemned,  hanged,  and 
burned  Dr.  "William  Houston  in  effigy,  during  the  sitting  of  their 
Superior  Court.  .  .  .  Also  it  happened  in  Wilmington  . 
.  .  At  Cross  Creek  'tis  said  they  hanged  his  effigy  and  Mc- 
Carter's  together  (who  murdered  his  wife).  Nor  have  they 
spared  him  in  Duplin,  his  own  county." 

In  1774  the  Boston  Port  Bill  was  passed,  which  caused  the 
port  of  Boston  to  be  closed.  Soon  a  cry  for  aid  was  sent  out  by 
the  people  of  Boston.  The  people  of  New  Bern  and  Craven  county 
quickly  responded.  A  great  deal  of  provisions  were  collected 
from  Craven  and  sent  to  Salem  for  the  relief  of  Boston.  On 
January  27,  1775,  we  find  this  notice  in  the  Gazette :  ' '  Public 
notice  is  hereby  given  that  Mr.  John  Green  and  Mr.  John  Wright 
Stanley,  merchants  in  New  Bern,  have  agreed  with  and  are 
appointed  by  the  committee  of  Craven  county  to  receive  the 
subscriptions  which  are  now  or  may  hereafter  be  raised  in  the 
said  county  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed  inhabitants  of  Boston, 
and  to  ship  the  same  to  Salem  as  soon  as  the  several  subscriptions 
are  received. 

"Proper  stores  are  provided  for  by  the  said  gentlemen  for 
the  reception  of  corn,  peas,  pork,  and  such  articles  as  the  sub- 
scribers may  choose  to  pay  their  subscription  in. 

"Those  gentlemen,  therefore,  who  have  taken  subscriptions 
either  in  money  or  effects,  are  desired  to  direct  the  same  to  be 
paid  or  delivered  to  the  above  Messrs.  Green  and  Stanley  on 
or  before  the  middle  of  March  next,  and  to  send  as  soon  as 
possible  an  account  of  the  subscriptions  to  be  taken  and  are 
taken  by  which  they  may  be  governed  in  receiving. — R.  Cog- 
dell,  Chairman."105 

On  August  26,  1774,  the  first  provincial  congress  was  held. 
At  first  it  was  planned  to  be  held  at  Johnston  Court  House,  but 
it  was  changed  and  held  in  New  Bern  at  the  above  date.  Craven 
had  four  members:     Coor,  Cogdell,  Abner  Nash,  and  Edwards. 


105  O.  R.,  Vol.  IX,  p.  xxxviii. 


Caeolina  and  Craven  County  or  Precinct  73 

This  Congress  met  in  spite  of  the  orders  of  Governor  Martin 
forbidding  such  a  meeting.106 

On  August  9,  1774,  the  Friends  of  American  Liberty  called 
a  meeting  of  the  people  of  Craven  county  at  New  Bern.  In  this 
meeting  members  for  the  provincial  congress  were  elected.107 

The  second  provincial  congress  was  held  on  April  3,  1775, 
at  New  Bern.  Craven  was  represented  by  James  Coor,  Lemuel 
Hatch,  Jacob  Blunt,  William  Bryan,  Richard  Cogdell,  Jacob 
Leach.  New  Bern  by  Abner  Nash  and  James  Davis.  At  the 
third  provincial  congress  held  at  Hillsboro  August  20,  1775, 
Craven  was  represented  by  Coor,  Bryan,  Cogdell,  Leach,  Blunt, 
and  Edmond  Hatch,  New  Bern,  by  Nash,  Davis,  William  Tisdale, 
and  Richard  Ellis.  At  the  fourth  one  held  at  Halifax,  April  4, 
1776,  Craven  was  represented  by  the  same  men  as  at  Hillsboro. 
New  Bern  only  sent  one,  Abner  Nash.  In  each  of  these  con- 
gresses the  representatives  of  Craven  and  New  Bern  took  an 
active  part. 

On  May  23,  1775,  right  after  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Lex- 
ington had  reached  New  Bern,  the  commmittee  of  safety,  which 
consisted  of  Dr.  Alex  Gaston,  Richard  Cogdell,  John  Easton, 
Major  Croom,  Roger  Ormond,  Edward  Saltee,  George  Burrow, 
and  James  Glasgow,  led  by  Cogdell,  and  backed  up  by 
the  entire  population  of  Craven  county,  waited  upon 
the  governor.  Their  mission  was  to  ask  him  to  remount  the 
cannon  that  were  in  the  town  and  at  the  palace.  Martin  had 
had  them  dismounted  because  he  had  heard  that  the  committee 
was  to  sieze  them  as  was  done  later.  He  prevaricated,  however, 
as  to  his  purpose,  and  seemingly  satisfied  the  committee  for  the 
moment,  but  only  for  the  moment  as  he  well  knew. 

Martin  realized  that  the  end  had  fully  come ;  he  saw  that  with- 
out a  man  or  a  gun  he  was  no  longer  a  governor  but  was  a  pris- 
oner in  his  own  palace  under  strictest  surveillance,  and  that  his 
only  resort   was   immediate   flight.     Therefore  he  immediately 


1  Ibid.  p.  xxv. 
Ibid.,   p.    1041. 


74  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

shipped  his  family  to  New  York  and  almost  at  the  same  time 
sought  safety  under  the  protection  of  the  British  boats  in  the 
Cape  Fear.  In  less  than  four  years  from  his  coming  as  governor 
of  the  province  he  was  a  fugitive  from  his  capitol.  A  capitol  he 
would  never  see  again.  He  was  flying  for  his  liberty  if  not  for 
his  life.  Thus  the  people  were  the  direct  agents  that  brought 
about  the  end  of  the  royal  authority  in  North  Carolina.109 


108  Wheeler,  Remiscences  of  North  Carolina,  p.  129. 

109  C.  B.,  Vol.  IX,  p.  xxxvi. 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA 


The  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 


PUBLISHED  UNDER  THE  DIRECTION  OF 


The  North  Carolina  Historical  Society 


VOL.  17 


Editors : 
J.  C.  de  ROULHAC  HAMILTON 
HENRY  McGILBERT  WAGSTAFF 
WILLIAM  WHATLEY  PIERSON,  Jr. 


No.  2 


CONTENTS 

JOURNAL  OF  A  TOUR  TO  NORTH  CAROLINA 
BY  WILLIAM  ATTMORE,  1787 


CHAPEL  HILL 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY 
1922 


JOURNAL  OF  A  TOUR  TO  NORTH  CAROLINA 
BY  WILLIAM  ATTMORE,  1787 


EDITED  BY 
LIDA  TUNSTALL  RODMAN 


PREFACE 

The  "Journal  of  a  Tour  to  Xorth  Carolina,"  written  by  William 
Attmore,  of  Philadelphia,  was  a  cherished  possession  of  his  great- 
granddaughter,  the  late  Miss  Rebecca  Attmore,  of  iSTew  Bern, 
~N.  C.  She  was  a  real  "Belle  of  the  Fifties,"  who  in  character  and 
person  reflected  the  charm  of  that  classic  type  of  Southern  woman- 
hood that  authors  delight  to  picture. 

Thomas  Attmore  of  Devonshire,  England,  Parish  of  Kentslean, 
born  about  1692,  who  removed  to  America  in  1713,  was  the 
grandfather  of  William  Attmore,  merchant  of  Philadelphia,  of  the 
firm  of  "Attmore  &  Kaigher."  In  the  winter  of  1787,  William 
Attmore  came  to  North  Carolina  to  collect  debts  owing  to  his  firm 
and  to  obtain  new  business.  While  on  his  tour  he  kept  a  diary, 
of  which  some  parts  have  evidently  been  lost,  but  enough  remains 
to  form  an  interesting  narrative.  The  handwriting  of  the  original 
manuscript  is  clear  and  beautiful,  and  the  ink  as  black  as  though 
it  had  been  penned  yesterday  instead  of  over  a  century  ago.  Only 
the  paper  has  become  faded  and  torn  by  age. 

On  this  "tour,"  or  a  subsequent  one,  William  Attmore  met  Miss 
Sallie  Sitgreaves,  the  captivating  daughter  of  Judge  Sitgreaves1,  to 
whom  he  was  married  March  18,  1790.  He  died  in  Philadelphia 
in  1800,  and  was  buried  there. 

The  names  of  some  of  the  descendants  of  William  Attmore  and 
Sallie  Sitgreaves  who  have  lived  in  North  Carolina  in  more  recent 
years  are: 


1The  name  of  William  Sitgreaves  occurs  among  the  signers  of  a  memorial  to  the 
Lords  Proprietors  in  1755.  (Col.  Rec.  vol.  V  p.  32).  John  Sitgreaves  was  one  of 
his  descendants  and  resided  in  New  Bern;  he  was  a  lawyer  of  culture  and  high 
attainments.  Wheeler's  history  says  "he  was  appointed  Lieutenant  by  the  State 
Congress  in  1776,  in  Captain  Cassel's  company.  He  was  in  the  battle  of  Camden. 
August  1780,  as  aid  to  Governor  Caswell.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Continental 
Congress  in  1784,  and  from  1787  to  1789  in  the  Legislature  from  New  Bern.  He 
was  appointed  U.  S.  District  Judge  of  North  Carolina  by  Washington.  Jefferson's  pri- 
vate journal  has  the  following:  —  '1789.  Hawkins  recommended  John  Sitgreaves  as 
a  very  clever  gentleman,  of  good  deportment,  well  skilled  in  the  law  for  a  man  of 
his  age,  and  should  he  live  long  enough,  he  will  be  an  ornament  to  his  profession. 
Spaight  and  Blount  concurring,  he  was  nominated.'  He  died  at  Halifax  ih  1802 
where  he  lies  buried."      (Wheeler's  Hist,  p  119.) 


6  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

1.  Hannah   Taylor  Attmore  m.  Wm.  Hollister  Oliver  185 —  their 

children — 

a.     George  Attmore  Oliver  died  unmarried  19 — ; 
&.     Elizabeth  Geteg  Oliver  m.  Martin  Stevenson  Willard  of  Wil- 
mington, N.   C.   died  leaving  no   children; 

c.  Mary  Taylor  Oliver,  New  Bern,  N.  C. ; 

d.  Hannah  Attmore  Oliver  m.  Benjamin  Huske,  Fayetteville; 

e.  Martha  Harvey  Oliver  m.  Thomas  Constable,  Charlotte; 

2.  Sitgreaves  Attmore  served  in  the  Confederate  States  Army,  was 

captured  and  imprisoned.     He  died  from  the  harsh  treatment 
he  received; 

3.  Isaac  Taylor  Attmore  served  in  the  Confederate  States  Army, 

and  was  killed  in  battle; 

4.  Rebecca  Christine  Attmore  never   married,  died  19 — ; 

5.  Sallie  Sitgreaves  Attmore  m.  Robert  Stewart  Primrose; 
a.     their  son  Dr.  Robert  S.  Primrose,  New  Bern,  N.  C; 

6.  George  Sitgreaves  Attmore  m.  Kate  Lane,  Bayboro,  N.  C; 
a.     Hannah  Oliver  Attmore; 

&.     George  Sitgreaves  Attmore; 
c.     Taylor  Bynum  Attmore. 

Interesting  family  relics  are  two  miniatures  owned  by  Mrs. 
Thomas  Constable;  one  represents  the  wife  of  Judge  Sitgreaves, 
the  other  is  a  memorial  of  the  Sitgreaves  men  who  served  in  the 
Revolution.  Mrs.  Benjamin  Huske  owns  a  list  or  record,  of  lands 
held  by  the  Attmore  family  in  England  dating  from  1337,  copied 
from  the  records  in  the  Tower  of  London,  and  other  quaint  docu- 
ments. 

The  notes  to  the  journal  furnish  other  interesting  data  in  re- 
gard to  some  of  the  persons  and  places  mentioned. 

Lida  T.  Rodman. 
Washington,  N.  C. 

November,  1921. 


THE  JOURNAL  OF  A  TOUR  TO  NORTH  CAROLINA 

Tuesday,  November  6,  1787.  ABOUT  11  O'Clock  AMI  went 
onboard  the  Sloop  Washington  Packet,  Captain  Charles  Kirby, 
Master,  bound  on  a  Voyage  to  Washington  in  North  Carolina  after 
being  onboard  a  little  while  the  boat  being  sent  to  the  Shore  I  took 
that  opportunity  to  land  again,  to  get  some  further  stores  for  the 
Voyage  as  yet  omitted,  and  after  waiting  some  time  till  about 
1  o'clock,  our  Captain  came  down,  we  rowed  onboard  and  directly 
hoisted  Sail, — Upon  enquiry  find  our  Company  onboard  to  be  as 
follows, 


Charles  Kibby,  Captain; 

William  Hest,  Mate; 

Daniel, 

William 

John, 

James 

James,  Cook, — 


Seamen 


James  Easton 
Benjamin  Brown 
Peter  Mackie, 
William  Attmore, 
Sylvia  Easton,  a 

little  Girl. 
Rose,  a  black  Girl 

servant  to   Sylvia. 


Passengers 


No  remarkable  occurence  happened  this  afternoon  altho'  I,  like 
Don  Quixote  watching  for  adventures;  unless  I  record  that  one 
of  the  Seamen  lost  his  Cap  while  busy  getting  in  the  Anchor. 
This  was  a  very  fine  day,  the  Wind  being  from  North  to  North 
East,  we  had  a  pleasant  Sail  by  Gloucester  Point,  League  Island, 
Mud  Island,  Little  and  Big  Tinicum  Islands — we  amused  our- 
selves from  time  to  time  eating  Beef  and  drinking  Grog  upon  the 
Quarter  Deck,  chatting  and  playing — 

After  dark  we  came  to,  below  Chester; — When  the  Ebb  began, 
our  Pilot,  Gilbert  MCracken  turned  out,  and  got  the  Sloop  under 
way  till  about  four  O'Clock  in  the  Morning,  by  this  time  it  became 
so   foggy,   it   became   dangerous   to    proceed,    and   therefore    cast 


8  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Anchor  in  4  fathom  Water;  supposing  ourselves  a  little  above 
Christiana  Creek. 

Wednesday,  November  7.  At  11  O'Clock  A.  M.  the  Fog  cleared 
away,  and.  we  found  ourselves  off  Wilmington — At  12,  the  Ebb  be- 
ginning we  hove  up  Ancho'r  and  made  Sail ;  passed  a  Brig  coming 
in,  having  hurricane  houses  on  deck. — And  a  number  Shallops 
and  Boats.  Came  to,  alongside  the  Wharff  at  Newcastle  and  re- 
ceived' onboard  Mr.  William  Ford,  a  Passenger,  with  his  Baggage. 
I  went  ashore  and  paid  a  visit  to  Thomas  Kean  Esqr  Sheriff 
of  New  Castle  County,  drank  a  bottle  of  Wine  with  him  at  his 
house ;  then  he  came  onboard  with  me  we  sat  down  in  the  Cabbin 
where  we  treated  him  with  such  as  we  had — We  got  into  good 
humour;  when  our  Captain  came  down  and  let  my  visitor  know 
that  he  was  sorry  to  disturb  him,  but  that  we  were  then  half  a 
Mile  from  Newcastle — Mr.  Kean  went  ashore  in  the  Boat  in  Com- 
pany with  Mr  Mackie— We  dropt  about  two  Miles  below  New- 
castle, then  let  go  Anchor — Here  we  lay  all  Night,  there  coming 
on  a  thick  Fog  in  the  Night  which  prevented  our  making  Sail — 
We  dismissed  our  pilot  at  Newcastle,  Capt.  Kirby  undertaking  to 
pilot  the  Sloop  down  the  rest  of  the  way. 

Thursday,  November  8.  As  we  lay  at  Anchor  hailed  a  Sloop 
going  by  us,  and  finding  they  were  from  New  York  with  Oysters, 
sent  our  boat  onboard,  and  got  7  or  8  bushels  at  2/9,  per  bushel — 
Mackie  and  Ford  who  went  in  the  Boat  with  two  Seamen,  stopt  at 
Newcastle, — They  rowed  down  under  Shore  where  Ford  luckily 
found  a  Man  who  brought  him  a  Message — They  then  returned 
onboard. — 

At  half  past  11,  O'Clock  got  up  Anchor,  and  hoisted  Sail;  but 
little  Wind;  hazy  Weather,  comes  on  again  and  some  rain  at  half 
past  Twelve — This  forenoon  the  Brige  Charleston  Packet,  Capt. 
Strong  passed  us  as  we  lay  at  Anchor — A  Ship  appears  stretching 
up  4  or  5  Miles  off,  who  must  have  passed  us  in  the  Fog  this  Morn- 
ing early. 

At  3  O'Clock  in  the  Afternoon,  being  about  half  way  between 
Reedy  Point  and  Reedy  Island  about  a  mile  from  the  Delaware 
Shore,  the  Ebb  being  strong,  little  wind  since  we  weighed  Anchor, 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to   North  Carolina  9 

having  had  Boat  ahead  towing  since  we  got  up  Anchor — we  found 
the  Tide  set  us  fast  toward  a  Shoal  or  spit  of  Land  lying  off ;  cast 
the  Lead,  and  at  the  last  throw  by  the  Captain  found  hut  9  feet 
Water ;  he  immediately  ordered  to  let  go  the  Anchor ;  this  was 
done  directly ;  but  force  of  the  Tide  was  such,  the  Cable  instantly 
parted,  and  we  directly  grounded  on  the  Shoal,  at  about  half  Tide 
— a  very  little  distance  from  our  Anchor — After  getting  in  Sails, 
our  Seamen  went  in  the  Boat  &  weighed  our  Anchor  by  the  Buoy 
Rope,  with  very  little  difficulty,  and  brought  it  onboard.  Here  we 
lay  till  about  Sunrise  next  day,  having  got  out  another  anchor. 

Friday,  November  9.  This  Morning  there  being  a  light  breeze 
to  take  us  off  the  Shoal,  we  got  up  Anchor  our  Boat  ahead  to  Tow ; 
we  got  over  to  the  Channel — towards  the  Delaware  Shore :  and  the 
Mood  being  strong  and  the  Wind  rather  ahead  came  again  to 
Anchor,  waiting  for  the  Tide  to  go  down  to  the  Piers — We  all 
turn'd  out  this  Morning  about  Sunrise,  a  very  fine  Morning — Vast 
flocks  of  Blackbirds  in  sight  going  from  Reedy  Island  to  the  Main : 

About  I  O'Clock  in  the  afterno'on  we  came  to,  at  the  Piers,  and 
made  fast  to  the  outermost  Pier  without  letting  go  an  Anchor — 
After  getting  Dinner,  the  Captain,  Easton,  Brown,  Mackie,  Ford, 
and  myself  went  ashore  (the  Captain  resolving  to  wait  for  a  Wind 
to  go  down  the  Bay  in  the  Morning)  we  went  up  to  the  Town  of 
Port  Penn  and  amused  ourselves  'till  the  Evening  when  we  all 
came  onboard. 

We  found  the  Cabbin  nearly  cleaned  up  against  our  return  by 
orders  of  the  Mate — ■ 

The  Piers  of  Reedy  Island,  as  they  are  generally  called,  are  not 
built  at  Reedy  Island  but  on  the  shore  of  the  Delaware  opposite 
to  the  body  of  that  Island,  and  consists  of  first  a  long  Wharff  join- 
ing to  the  Main,  then  of  three  square  piers  composed  of  Logs,  and 
filled  up  with  Stones  and  Dirt;  sunk  in  a  row,  at  nearly  equal 
distances  from  each  other  opposite  that  long  Wharff,  leaving  an 
interval  or  thoroughfare  for  the  waste  to  pass  betwixt  them, 
about  70  or  80  feet  wide  between  each  pier  or  Wharff;  the  whole 
forming  a  kind  of  Mole  or  Jettee  above  300  feet  out  into  the 
River — The  use  of  these  Piers  is  to  form  a  Harbour  for  Vessels 


10  James  Spkunt  Historical  Publications 

against  the  dangers  of  the  Ice  in  Winter,  And  it  is  found  to  answer 
the  purpose  very  well;  last  Winter  above  50  Sail  found  shelter 
there  till  the  navigation  was  clear. 

I  should  have  mentioned  that  on  the  north  side  of  the  other 
Piers  at  some  distance  another  Pier  is  sunk  to  serve  as  a  kind  of 
outwork  to  the  others  in  breaking  the  Force  of  the  Ice  coming 
down. 

Reedy  Island  is  about  3  miles  long  and  not  above  a  quarter  of  a 
Mile  wide — It  has  formerly  been  banked  in,  but  at  present  is  not 
in  culture  but  overflowed  in  high  Tides — 

About  half  a  mile  above  the  Piers,  lies  the  Village  of  Port  Penn, 
consisting  of  30  or  40  Houses,  it  is  on  the  River  side  and  directly 
opposite  the  upper  end  of  Reedy  Island — The  River  is  6  Miles 
over. — 

After  getting  onboard,  we  spent  the  Evening  very  gaily — Mirth 
and  festivity  smiled  around  us — Every  Man  endeavor'd  to  con- 
tribute to  the  general  pleasure — And  every  attempt  in  these  cases 
is  received  with  favour. 

Saturday,  November  10.  At  about  half  past  12  O'Clock,  we  cast 
off  from  the  Pier,  and  got  down  to  Bombay  Hook  in  the  night — 
Let  go  Anchor — Then  weigh'd  about  break  of  day  and  stood  down 
the  Bay;  Many  Vessels  in  sight — passed  two  Brigs  &  a  Schooner 
that  were  coming  up, — hailed  the  Schooner  found  her  to  be  from 
Newbern,  15  days  out,  Capt.  Hudson. — 

We  overtook  and  passed  a  Copper  bottom  Schooner  with  a 
crowd  of  Canvas — One  of  our  Seamen  seeing  her  look  so  gay, 
gave  her  the  name  of  the  Macaw  Schooner — 

Towards  Dusk  came  to  Anchor  in  the  Bay  about  20  Miles  above 
the  Light  House ;  the  sky  to  the  South  and  West  looked  very  black 
and  louring  which  gave  us  considerable  apprehension  of  a  severe 
Gale  in  the  night ; — We  let  go  our  best  Bower  and  prepared  for  it 
in  the  best  manner  we  could.  Our  whole  Company  looked  very 
blank  and  melancholy ;  quite  a  contrast  to  the  gaiety  of  last  even- 
ing— The  Wind  pretty  fresh.  The  Shoals  in  Delaware  Bay  are 
mark'd  to  Mariners  by  Beacons  and  Buoys — 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  11 

Sunday,  November  11.  Contrary  to  our  expectations,  we  had  no 
Gale  last  night,  and  got  early  under  way,  and  passed  down  the  Bay 
and  out  to  Sea  with  a  favourable  Gale — About  9  O'Clock  A  M  we 
passed  the  Light  House  at  Cape  Henlopen  about  2  Miles  distance 
— We  stood  out  to  Sea,  South  east,  &  then  stood  to  the  Southward, 
our  Captain  intending  to  keep  near  the  Coast:  When  in  mid 
Channel  one  can  see  both  Capes,  but  cannot  see  from  one  Cape  to 
the  other  if  one  is  ashore  there. — 

After  getting  a  little  past  the  Light  House,  I  began  to  grow 
Sea  Sick,  with  the  usual  symptoms,  Mackie  also  sick,  &  likewise 
black  Rose.  The  rest  of  our  Company  well. 

Monday,  November  12.  I  still  continue  indisposed,  and  have 
eat  but  little,  these  two  days — one's  stomach  nauseates  solid  food 
while  Sea  Sickness  lasts — The  Sea  much  smoother  today  than 
yesterday,  The  reflection  of  a  blue  Sky  makes  the  Water  appear  of 
a  greenish  Colour.  When  there  is  a  cloudy  Sky  the  Water  ap- 
pears of  an  azure  or  blue  Colour. — 

Tuesday,  November  13.  Today  we  are  nearly  well — Mackie 
and  I  eat  our  allowance  at  Breakfast  with  a  pretty  good  appetite. 
About  9  O'Clock,  the  Sea  smooth  and  the  Weather  hazy  we  made 
the  Land,  supposed  about  30  Miles  to  the  southward  of  Cape 
Henry — We  stood  in  within  about  half  a  Mile  of  the  Shore,  and 
Surff,  6  fathom  Water.  We  have  been  trying  this  morning  for 
some  Fish,  but  had  no  success.  We  passed  Currituck  Inlet  today — 
In  the  Evening  we  stood  off  shore,  heaving  about  when  within  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  Shore — We  saw  7  or  8  Craft  standing  up 
the  Coast,  we  suppose  them  bound  to  Norfolk. 

Hailed  two  of  them, — answer' d  from  New  Inlet — It  has  been 
warm  and  pleasant  today — Aired  the  Cabbin  and  Bed  Clothes. — 

Wednesday,  November  14-  Rose  at  Sunrise — A  very  fine  day — 
After  some  time  standing  in  for  the  Land,  find  ourselves  off  Roan- 
oke Island  and  Inlet — But  little  Wind  all  the  Morning — The  Wind 
all  day  ahead,  what  we  gain  on  one  Tack,  we  nearly  lose  on  an- 
other— Saw  several  Whales,  and  diverted  ourselves  with  observing 
their  Spouting  and  blowing — One  passed  our  bows  within  Musquet 
Shot.     Flocks  of   Gulls  about  us — Tried   again   for  Fish,  bottle 


12  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

with  Tow  Line  and  Deepsea,  but  cannot  catch  one,  We  are  now 
about  40  Miles  from  Cape  Hatteras  which  we  wish  to  get  round, 
but  this  contrary  Wind  baffles  us — In  the  Afternoon  the  Wind 
freshens  on  us,  but  still  ahead — 

Thursday,  November  15.  About  3  O'Clock  in  the  Morning  came 
on  a  Squall  and  rough  Sea,  which  lasted  till  about  9  O'Clock;  in 
the  Morning — I  am  again  Sick — Wind  still  ahead — Find  by  obser- 
vation at  noon  that  we  have  gained  but  11  Miles  southing  in  24 
Hours  past — 

Friday,  November  16.  Wind  still  ahead, — A  very  brisk  Wind 
and  rough  Sea  today — Spoke  a  Sloop  bound  from  New  York  to 
Edenton. — A  brig  in  sight.  A  Whale  &  Sword  Fish  pass  us.  I 
am  again  sick  from  the  rough  Sea — In  the  evening  came  on  rain — 
And  fell  calm ;  our  Vessel  rolled  and  pitched  very  much — The  Cap- 
tain and  people  being  on  deck  about  8  or  9  O'Clock,  the  night  dark, 
in  hoisting  the  Boom  from  the  Larboard  to  the  Starboard  crutch, 
the  Boom  swinging  over  crushed  the  head  of  one  of  the  Seamen, 
John  ,  between  it  and  the  Starboard  crutch  in  a  shocking 

manner ;  the  poor  Man  fell  on  the  Deck,  and  afterwards  bled  from 
his  Mouth  Nose  and  Ears  many  Quarts — They  got  him  down  into 
the  Cabbin  and  laid  a  Sail  for  a  Bed,  We  expected  him  to  die  in 
a  little  while — We  spent  the  night  very  disagreeably — His  Groans 
and  the  bad  situation  in  which  he  was  distressed  us  much. 

Saturday,  November  17.  Soon  after  we  got  something  composed, 
about  12  last  night,  the  Wind  came  round  to  the  Northward,  and 
blew  violently,  with  a  high  Sea,  We  stood  off  the  Land  and  After- 
wards laid  to,  under  a  reef'd  Mainsail-till  the  Morning,  then  stood 
on  our  way,  and  went  at  a  great  rate,  Passed  Cape  Hatteras 
Shoals, — After  getting  round  the  Cape,  stood  in  for  Land,  and 
hoisted  a  Signal  for  a  Pilot,  one  came  onboard  who  took  charge 
of  us  till  we  passed  over  Ocracoke  Bar  and  came  to  Anchor  at  the 
upper  Anchorage,  about  one  O'Clock  here  we  found  lying  a  Brig, 
a  Schooner  and  3  Sloops — Got  dinner;  After  3  O'Clock  stood  on, 
crossed  a  Shoal  or  Bar  across  the  Channel  called  the  Swash,  lying 
6  Miles  or  thereabouts  from  Ocracoke  Bar, — 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina.  13 

On  the  Bar  is  14  feet  water,  at  low  tide— On  the  Swash  is  8 

feet  at  low  tide ;  the  Tide  rises  on  these  Shoals  but  about feet 

on  the  Bar,  and  about inches  on  the  Swash. 

The  Inlet  opens  into  a  great  Bay  called  Pamlico  Sound,  that  re- 
ceives into  it  many  Kivers  on  different  sides,  We  crossed  it  about 
40  Miles,  partly  in  the  Night,  the  Moon  shining  bright  to  the 
mouth  of  Tar  River,  Went  up  that  River  in  the  night  till  we  came 
off  Bath  Creek  Mouth  about  2  miles  from  a  place  call'd  Bath  Town 
which  lies  up  the  Creek;  then  let  go  Anchor  till  Sunrise,  being 
about  24  Miles  up  the  River — 

Sunday,  November  18.  Hoisted  out  our  Boat  and  set  Mr. 
Brown  on  shore  near  the  point,  then  stood  on,  up  the  River  16 
Miles  further,  to  Washington;  where  we  arrived  about  1  O'Clock 
— Here  a  number  of  Gentlemen  came  onboard  us — Went  with 
David  Shoemaker  and  paid  a  short  visit  at  his  house,  returned  on- 
board and  dined. — Towards  evening  took  a  walk  to  Mr.  Nuttle's, 
where  was  Mr.  &  Mrs.  Shoemaker,  and  Capt.  Eldredge;  drank  Tea 
there.     Mr.  Mackie  and  I  return'd  and  slept  onboard. 

Monday,  November  19.  Muster  Day  in  Washington,  which 
brought  a  large  number  of  people  from  the  Country — 

Mr.  Richard  Blackledge,2  came  to  town. — I  dined  at  David 
Jones's  in  Company  with  Kirby,  Mackie,  &  Whitall. — Drank  Tea 
with  Rachel  Shoemaker — Many  disorders  in  town,  the  Militia 
some  of  them  fighting.  This  is  the  practise  every  Musterday. 
Mr.  Knight  a  Criminal  who  had  escaped  from  Philadelphia  was 


2Riehard  Blackledge  and  his  brother  Thomas  Blackledge  were  natives  of  New 
Bern  both  of  whom  lived  in  Washington  for  a  few  years.  Richard  Blackledge  was 
one  of  the  first  commissioners  of  the  town  of  Washington,  a  lawyer  of  brilliant 
ability ;  he  represented  Beaufort  county  several  terms  in  the  Legislature.  He  mar- 
ried Louisa  Blount,  daughter  of  Colonel  Jacob  Blount,  and  Sister  of  John  Gray 
Blount.  After  their  marriage  they  lived  in  Tarborough.  Prior  to  the  ceremony, 
a  marriage  settlement  was  made  by  which  her  property,  consisting  of  a  house  and 
two  lots  in  that  town  with  twenty  or  more  negro  slaves,  were  conveyed  to 
her  brother,  Gov.  William  Blount  in  case  of  her  death  without  children.  The  docu- 
ment is  signed  by  Judge  Samuel  Spencer ;  it  is  written  on  parchment  in  good  preser- 
vation and  bears  the  stamp  forced  upon  us  by  England.  It  reads  "2  lots,  or  pieces 
of  land,  in  the  Town  of  Tarborough  situated  on  Saint  George  and  Saint  Andrew  and 
Granville  Sts.,  and  known  in  the  plan  of  the  town  as  numbers  104  and  105."  In 
the  history  of  Edgecombe  count)'  by  Turner  and  Bridgers  (page  107)  this  house  is 
described  as  the  place  where  George  Washington,  on  his  visit  to  the  State  in  1791, 
was  cordially  entertained  "at  the  beautiful  residence  overlooking  Tar  River,  be- 
longing at  the  time  to  Major  Reading  Blount."  The  career  of  Richard  Blackledge 
was  cut  off  by  his  addiction  to  the  drink  habit.  His  wife  only  lived  a  short  time 
after  her  marriage  and  left  no  children.  The  house  situated  near  the  river  was  still 
standing  a  few  years  ago,  but  in  a  very  dilapidated  condition.  (Reference  also  to 
Dec.  21st) 


14  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

taken  up,  alongside  our  Vessel  &  Capt.  Eldredge's;  he  was  put  in 
irons  and  sent  to  Goal.     I  slept  onboard. 

Tuesday,  November  20.  Mr.  Blackledge  waited  on  me,  and  kind- 
ly invited  me  to  fix  my  residence  with  him  and  his  brother  Thomas, 
that  I  should  have  a  Room  for  myself,  and  he  wou'd  furnish  me  a 
Horse  &c.  to  be  at  my  command  during  my  stay  in  North  Caro- 
lina.— I  had  engaged  quarters  at  Horn's  Tavern,  but  now  con- 
clude to  accept  Blackledge's  offer. — I  Breakfasted  onboard — Black- 
lege  called  down  at  the  Vessel  about  dinner  time,  when  we  walk'd 
to  the  House,  where  he  then  introduced  me  to  his  brother  Thos. 
&  to  his  brother's  wife,  Polly  Blackledge3.  There  were  two  young 
ladies  dined  with  us,  Miss  Sally  Salter,  sister  of  Mrs.  T.  Black- 
ledge,  and  Miss Armstrong,  two   agreeable  looking  young 

ladies,  but  rather  silent  today.  My  Chest  &c.  was  sent  up  in  the 
Evening — "Wrote  home  to  J.  K.  and  fm.  F. — near  Tarborough. 
Bain  at  night — - 

Wednesday,  November  21.  After  Breakfast,  set  off  from  Wash- 
ington for  ISTewbern  in  Company  with  R.  Blackledge,  B.  Brown, 
Capt.  Keais4,  Jno.  G.  Blount5,  Doctor  Loomis  &  Charles  Cooke,  all 
on  Horseback,  we  crossed  Tar  River  in  a  Scow — rode  a  Mile  or 
two,  then  Blackledge  pushed  on  before  us,  in  order  to  get  to  ISTew- 
bern  early — The  rest  of  us  rode  about  22%  Miles,  where  we 
cross'd  Swift's  Creek,  on  a  bridge,  this  is  a  branch  of  Neuse  River. 

We  dined  at  Johnson's  near  the  Creek,  about  22  Miles  from 
Washington.  Rode  to  Curti's  Tavern  7%  Miles  further;  here  we 
staid  all  night — Went  to  bed  early,  being  a  good  deal  tired. — 


3Mrs.  Polly  Blackledee,  the  wife  of  Mr.  Thomas  Blackledge,  was  a  daughter  of 
Col.  Salter.  Their  residence  in  Washington  was  of  short  duration.  They  are  sur- 
vived  by   a    number   of   descendants   mostly   residents    of   New   Bern. 

4Capt.  Nathan  Keais,  a  native  of  Rhode  Island  where  he  commanded  a  com- 
pany of  State  troops  during  the  Revolution.  He  is  put  down  also,  as  one  of 
the  Captains  of  the  Second  Regiment  North  Carolina  troops.  He  and  his  wife, 
Barbara,  are  buried  in  the  churchyard  surrounding  St.  Peter's  Church,  Washington. 
Their  descendants  are  represented  in   the  Hoyt   and  Tayloe   families. 

'John  Gray  Blount  is  said  to  have  been  the  most  influential  man  in  Beaufort 
county  in  his  day.  He  was  a  merchant  of  large  enterprise  and  a  patriot  of  tt^e 
Revolution.  He  and  his  wife,  Mary  Harvey,  daughter  of  Col.  Miles  Harvey  of 
Perquimans,  are  buried  in  the  churchyard  of  St.  Peter's  Church,  Washington.  They 
left  many  descendants  represented  in  the  Blount,  Rodman,  Myers,  Branch,  J.  G.  B. 
Grimes    and   Cowper   families. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  15 

Thursday,  November  22.  At  Curti's  we  met  General  Armstrong" 
to  whom  I  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Blount — After  breakfast  we  led 
our  Horses  to  the  River  Neuse,  at  this  place  about  200  yards  over, 
here  ferried  over  in  a  Scow,  and  rode  on  10  Miles  further,  to  New- 
bern — first  crossing  Batchelor's  Creek  on  a  Bridge,  3  Miles  from 
Curti's— 

Went  in  Company  with  Blount  and  Brown,  to  Pendleton's  Tav- 
ern— There  I  dined  paid  several  Visits,  Saw  John  Green,  John 
Kennedy  &  Nathan  Smith  drank  Tea  at. Nathan  Smith's — At  Mr. 
Green's  I  saw  the  pretty  Miss  Cogdell7,  whom  Mr.  Green  intro- 
duced to  me — When  the  Tea  Tackle  began  to  rattle,  I  was  sorry  I 
had  previously  declared  an  engagement  at  Smith's — And  was 
therefore  obliged  to  move — Mr.  Green  waited  on  me  to  Smith's, 
and  then  to  my  Quarters. — 

Friday,  November  23.  Breakfasted  at  Pendleton's — In  the  fore- 
noon there  was  a  Horse  Race  five  Horses  started  for  the  Purse 
which  was  won  by  a  Horse  called  Sweeper — Went  to  Dine  with 
John  Green,  by  invitation ;  there  was  Miss  Cogdell,  Misses  Wright 

Stanly,  Mr.  Doiley,  &  Mr Green,  (John's  brother) — Towards 

evening  took  a  walk  with  John  Green  to  see  the  palace. 

The  palace  is  a  building  erected  by  the  province  before  the 
Revolution — It  is  a  large  and  elegant  brick  Edifice  two  Stories 
high ;  with  two  Wings  for  the  offices,  somewhat  advanced  in  front 
towards  the  Road,  these  are  also  two  Stories  high  but  lower  in 
height  than  the  main  Building,  these  Wings  are  connected  with 
the  principal  Building  by  a  circular  arcade  reaching  from  each  of 
the  front  Corners  to  the  corner  of  the  Wing — The  palace  is  sit- 
uated with  one  front  to  the  River  Trent  and  near  the  Bank,  and 
commands  a  pleasing  view  of  the  Water— It  was  finished  within, 
in  a  very  elegant  manner.  The  grand  Staircase  lighted  from  the 
Sky  by  a  low  Dome,  which  being  glazed  kept  out  the  Weather — 

eGeneral  Armstrong  was  a  member  of  the  Pitt  county  committee  of  safety,  and  one 
of  those  named  to  solicit  donations  for  the  relief  of  the  people  of  Boston.  He  was 
elected  Major  of  Pitt  county  militia  in  1775;  was  in  active  service  near  Philadel- 
phia, and  promoted  to  Colonel  in  1777;  elected  Brigadier  General  in  1786.  and 
member  of  Payetteville  Convention  1789.  His  home  was  on  the  south  side  of  Tar 
River  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Salter  and  Grimes  plantations.  His  name  has 
disappeared  from  Pitt  county,   and  most  of  his  descendants  have  moved  farther  south. 

7 (Hist.  Pitt  Co.,  by  Henry  King)  "The  pretty  Miss  Cogdell,"  was  the  daughter 
of  Richard  Cogdell  and  mother  of  Hon.  George  E.  Badger,  Judge  of  the  Superior 
Court,  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  1841. 


16  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

This  House  was  formerly  the  residence  of  the  Governors  of  this 
Country,  as  well  as  the  place  where  the  Legislature  sat,  to  trans- 
act their  business — It  is  somewhat  out  of  repair  at  present,  and  the 
Legislature,  not  meeting  at  this  time  in  ISTewbern,  the  only  use  now 
made  of  it  is,  the  Town's  people  use  one  of  the  Halls  for  a  Danc- 
ing Room  &  One  of  the  other  Rooms  is  used  for  a  School  Room. 
The  only  inhabitants  we  found  about  it  were  the  Schoolmaster  and 
one  little  boy  in  the  palace,  school  being  out.  And  in  the  Stables 
2  or  3  Horses  who  had  taken  Shelter  there  from  the  bleakness  of 
the  Wind.  The  King  of  G.  Britain's  Arms,  are  still  suffered  to 
appear  in  a  pediment  at  the  front  of  the  Building;  which  con- 
sidering the  independent  spirit  of  the  people  averse  to  every  ves- 
tige of  Royalty  appears  Something  strange — 

We  returned  to  Mr.  Green's,  where  I  drank  Tea  with  the  ladies. 
Miss  Cogdell's  Sister  called  in  the  evening;  And  two  Gentlemen 
came  in — I  was  introduced  to  Mrs.  Stanly — And  accompanied  the 
Ladies  with  several  Gentlemen,  as  far  as  my  way  went  where  I 
bid  them  Adieu  for  the  evening. 

One  instance  of  the  vicissitudes  of  human  affairs;  is  exhibited 
in  the  situation  of  things  at  the  palace,  which  from  being  the  seat 
of  a  little  Court,  under  the  regal  Government ;  is  now  become  the 
seat  of  a  petty  Schoolmaster  with  his  little  subjects,  another  in- 
stance occurs  in  the  person  of  Mr.  Jno.  W.  Stanly8,  the  husband 
of  Mrs.  Stanly  already  mentioned ;  this  Man  of  whom  the  first 
knowledge  I  had,  was,  his  being  confined  a  prisoner  in  the  Goal 
of  Philadelphia  for  debt,  upon  his  liberation  removed  to  this 
Country,  where  by  a  Series  of  fortunate  events  in  Trade  during 
the  War  he  acquired  a  great  property,  and  has  built  a  house  in 
JSTewbern  where  he  resides,  that  is  truly  elegant  and  convenient; 
at  an  expense  of  near  20,000  Dollars — He  has  a  large  Wharff  and 


8John  Stanly  often  a  member  of  the  Legislature  from  Craven,  and  a  member  of 
Congress  from  1801  to  1809.  He  became  engaged  in  a  political  controversy  with 
Governor  Richard  Dobbs  Spaight  in  1802  which  unfortunately  terminated  in  a  duel 
in   which   Governor   Spaight  received   his  death   wound. 

The  beautiful  house  built  by  Mr.  Stanly  at  such  a  large  expenditure,  for  that  day, 
is  still  standing,  and  is  an  ornament  to  the  town  of  New  Bern.  It  is  described  as 
"the  house  in  which  George  Washington  was  entertained  in  1791.  And,  where  Mr. 
Stanly  gave  hospitable  welcome  to  Gen.  Nathanael  Greene,  and  made  a  loan  to  him 
of  fortv  thousand  pounds  for  the  necessities  of  his  suffering  soldiers  of  the  Revo- 
lution." It  is  now  owned  by  Hon.  James  A.  Bryan,  who  served  as  a  captain  in  the 
Confederate  Army. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  17 

Distillery  near  his  house;  upon  JSTeuse  River  side  of  the  Town — 
and  a  fine  plantation  with  sixty  Slaves  thereon. — 

One  circumstance  deserves  to  be  recorded  to  his  honour — Altho' 
brought  to  Philadelphia  from  Honduras  a  Prisoner  arbitrarily; 
and  on  his  arrival  sent  to  Goal  by  the  person  who  brought  him  by 
force  yet  upon  his  getting  into  affluent  circumstances,  he  gener- 
ously relieved  the  pecuniary  distresses  of  that  very  person  after- 
wards ;  the  more  meritorious,  as  upon  a  settlement  of  Accounts 
with  that  Man,  it  was  found  that  he  owed  him  nothing,  but  on 
the  contrary  that  person  was  in  his  Debt — Mr.  Wright  Stanly 
brother  to  John  invited  me  to  spend  a  Week  with  him  at  a  Farm 
about  13  Miles  from  Newbern,  where  he  promises  me  the  diversion 
of  Deer  Hunting  and  driving. 

Saturday,  November  2Jf.  Paces  again  today,  four  Horses 
started;  a  mistake  happen'd,  the  Horses  being  nearly  abreast  some 
of  the  people  halloed,  "set  off,"  "go,"  &c.  which  the  riders  sup- 
posed to  be  Orders  from  the  proper  judges;  they  set  off,  and  run 
the  course  with  great  eagerness,  the  blunder  created  some  anger 
and  a  good  deal  of  Mirth.  The  Riders  were  young  Negroes  of 
13  or  14  years  old  who  generally  rode  bareback. — 

I  have  attended  the  Races  yesterday  and  today  rather  from 
motives  of  curiosity  than  any  love  to  this  Amusement,  and  think 
I  shall  hardly  be  prevailed  on  to  go  ten  Steps  in  future  to  see  any 
Horse  Race — The  objections  and  inconveniences  attending  this 
kind  of  Amusement,  obvious  to  me,  are, 

1st.  Large  numbers  of  people  are  drawn  from  their  business,  oc- 
cupations and  labour,  which  is  a  real  loss  to  their  families 
and  the  State. 
2d.  By  wagering  and  betting;  much  quarreling  wrangling,  Anger, 
Swearing  &  drinking  is  created  and  takes  place,  I  saw  it  on 
the  present  occasion  prevalent  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest 
— I  saw  white  Boys,  and  Negroes  eagerly  betting  1/  2  /  a 
quart  of  Rum,  a  drink  of  Grog  &c,  as  well  as  Gentlemen  bet- 
ting high — 


18  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

3d.    Many  accidents  happen  on  these  occasions — 

One  of  the  Riders  a  Negroe  boy,  who  rid  one  of  the  Horses 
yesterday,  was,  while  at  full  speed  thrown  from  his  Horse,  by  a 
Cow  being  in  the  Road  and  the  Horse  driving  against  her  in  the 
hurry  of  the  Race — The  poor  Lad  was  badly  hurt  in  the  Head 
and  bled  much — 

The  second  day,  one  of  the  Horses  at  starting,  run  violently 
amongst  the  people  that  sat  in  a  place  of  apparent  security,  it 
was  precisely  the  spot  where  I  thought  there  was  the  greatest 
safety,  for  foot  people — More  might  be  added. 

I  went  to  the  Court  House  to  see  the  proceedings  there  at  the 
Superior  Court — An  Argument  about  bringing  on  the  cause  of  the 
Heirs  of  Samuel  Cornell9  against  those  who  had  bo*  property  once 
his  but  confiscated  by  the  Government — Saw  H.  Harris  he  kindly 
offers  me  an  introduction  to  Ladies  of  his  acquaintance  in  and 
about  ISTewbern — 

Sunday,  November  25.  This  morning  Mr.  John  Green  called 
at  my  quarters,  he  asked  if  I  had  a  mind  to  go  to  Church ;  I  hav- 
ing no  inclination  to  go,  he  left  me  at  Church  time. 

It  is  the  custom  here  With  some,  if  they  can  afford  it,  when  a 
burial  happens  in  their  families,  to  give  the  Minister  and  bearers 
white  scarffs  and  Bands  the  Scarff  is  composed  of  about  3  yards 
&  a  half  of  white  linen  and  hangs  from  the  right  shoulder  &  is 
gathered  in  a  knot  below  the  left  Arm,  with  a  Rose  and  Ribbands, 
also  white;  from  the  knot  the  two  ends  or  tags  hang  down;  the 
Band  for  the  Hat  is  of  white  linen  also,  about  1%  yards  or  some- 
times that  quantity  will  make  two  Bands  if  split  down  the  mid- 
dle— This  is  tied  round  the  Crown  of  the  Hat  &  the  two  ends 
streaming  down — 

The  Sunday  after  the  Funeral,  the  bearers  assemble  somewhere, 
with  these  decorations  to  their  persons  and  go  in  a  body  into 
Church,  where  the  Minister  dress'd  in  the  like  manner  receives  at 
the  door. 


9Samuel   Cornell   a  distinguished  Tory;    it  has  been  stated  that   his  family   was   con- 
nected  with  that   of   Daniei   Webster. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  jSTorth  Carolina  19 

This  custom  I  had  the  opportunity  to  observe  today,  there  hav- 
ing been  a  funeral  last  Week,  the  bearers  assembled  at  the  Tavern 
where  I  stay,  opposite  the  Church,  in  order  to  go  into  Church 
together.  The  Linen  is  of  a  convenient  quantity  to  make  a  shirt 
after  ceremonies  are  over. 

I  went  to  dine  with  Nathan  Smith,  by  invitation :  the  Company 
consisted  of  himself  and  Sister,  and  eight  Gentlemen  Guests ;  Col. 
Davie10,  Messrs.  Tomlinson,  Haines,  Grainger,  Carty  &c. — It  is  use- 
ful &  entertaining  in  a  Company  of  Strangers,  after  the  first  Salu- 
tations and  civilities  are  passed  to  be  rather  silent,  and  observe 
the  Characters  of  the  Company,  opening  by  degrees  in  the  course 
of  conversation,  one  also  hears  many  anecdotes  of  other  persons 
who  are  sometimes  handled  freely,  in  their  absence ;  and  one  hears 
many  particulars  useful  or  curious. — 

Col.  Davie  produced  a  curious  Tobacco  Pouch,  made  of  a  young 
Mink  Skin,  the  size  of  a  little  Cat,  it  was  dress'd  with  the  hair, 
Feet  and  Claws  and  Tail  on,  and  when  thrown  on  the  Table  with 
a  bellyfull  of  Tobacco  look'd  like  a  little  dead  black  Cat. 

Mr.  Grainger  mentioned  a  Method  of  discovering  wild  Bees  in 
the  Woods — Fix  a  piece  of  Honeysuckle  on  a  forked,  Pole,  which  is 
to  be  set  upright,  a  Bee  comes,  loads  himself,  and  flies  directly 
towards  his  home,  follow  him  with  all  dispatch,  as  far  the  eye 
can  reach  him,  then  move  the  Pole  forward  so  far;  the  Bee  or 
some  other,  comes  again,  follow  on  still,  which  by  degrees  leads  to 
the  Tree  where  the  Bees  are  with  their  Store  of  Wax  and  Honey — 

In  the  evening  returned  to  my  quarters,  where  I  found  Arm- 
strong, and  Capt. ,  other  Gentlemen  came  in. 

Monday,  Nove?nber  26.  Today,  was  tried  in  the  Superior 
Court,  the  Claim  of  the  Heirs  of  Samuel  Cornell  Esqr.  for  the 
property  that  belonged  to  him  in  North  Carolina ;  he  having  gone 
away  in  the  early  part  of  the  War  the  property  being  consider'd 
as  confiscated  was  sold  by  the  Agents  of  the  State — Judgment  was 
given  against  the  Heirs — The  Judge  &  Lawyers  in  this  Country 
dress  in  black  Robes  &  white  Tunics  like  parsons. 

10Colonel  Davie  here  mentioned  was  the  well-known  and  distinguished  soldier  of 
the    Revelation,    William    Ri.kardson    Davie. 


20  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Tuesday,  November  27.     Nothing  worth  remarking. — 

Wednesday,  November  28.  Breakfasted  with  John  Green — 
About  11  O'Clock  Capt.  John  Jones  &  the  older  Mrs.  Blackledge 
arrived  in  Gurling's  Sloop  from  Philadelphia. — six  day's  passage. 

About  noon  met  Mr.  John  Stanly  in  Church  Street,  he  told  me 
he  was  going  to  look  for  me  to  give  me  an  invitation  to  dine  to- 
morrow at  his  house. 

I  gave  him  to  understand  that  I  expected  to  leave  Newbern  to- 
wards Evening  this  day — He  then  ask'd  me  to  go  to  his  house  & 
take  a  Glass  of  Wine — We  had  a  variety  of  Chat — Engaged  to 
dine  with  him  tomorrow  if  I  don't  leave  town — Went  to  see  Capt. 
Jones  at  Jno.  Green's  was  introduced  to  his  Mother-in-law.  In 
the  Evening  he  &  Mr.  Green  called  at  my  quarters,  where  I  gave 
them  punch— Saw  1ST.  Smith  today  at  his  Store — I  am  to  expect 
trouble,  I  see,  in  settling  with  him.  It.  Blackledge  set  off  for 
Tarborough  early  this  Morning.  H.  Harris  and  I  had  a  long 
conversation  in  the  Afternoon  at  my  quarters,  this  &  an  appear- 
ance of  rain  prevents  my  setting  out  for  Washington. — 

Thursday,  November  29.  Went  at  two  O'Clock  to  Mr.  John  W. 
Stanly's  to  dine,  he  had  also  invited  Judge  Spencer11,  and  Mr. 
Iredell12  an  eminent  Lawyer,  Mr.  Thomas  Turner,  Mr.  William 
Shepard13  and  Mr.  Bryan  were  there.  The  Ladies  present  were 
Mrs.  John  W.  Stanly,  Mrs.  Wright  Stanly  and  Mrs.  Green,  the 
widow  of  Mr.  James  Green — The  Court  holding  late  kept  us  wait- 
ing for  the  Judge  &  Lawyers.  I  had  a  long  tete  a  tete  Conversa- 
tion with  Mr.  John  W.  Stanly  before  Dinner ;  about  half  past  four 
the  Judge  and  Mrs.  Iredell  came,  then  we  sat  down  to  Dinner. 
Had  a  long  discourse  with  Judge  Spencer  on  the  subject  of  Paper 
Money  &  c.     I  do  not  like  his  ideas,  he  contends  that  the  Country 


lxJudge  Samuel  Spencer  of  Anson  county  held  many  offices  under  the  Colonial 
government,  and  was  one  of  the  three  Judges  of  the  Superior  Courts  first  elected 
under   the   constitution   in   1777. 

12Mr.  Iredell  emigrated,  to  Chowan  county  from  England  when  17  years  old.  He 
studied  law  under  Gov.  Samuel  Johnston  and  married  his  sister,  Hannah.  He  be- 
came a  very  distinguished  citizen  of  North  Carolina.  He  held  office  successively  as 
member  of  the  Assembly,  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court,  Attorney  General  of  the  State 
and,  later,  was  appointed  by  George  Washington  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  In  the  presidential  election  of  1796  he  received  three 
electoral   votes. 

"William  Shepard  of  New  Bern  was  the  father  of  Honorables  Chas.  B.;  William 
B.;  and  James  B.  Shepard;  and  of  Mary,  the  wife  of  Hon.  John  H.  Bryan 
of   Raleigh. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  21 

cannot  do  without  a  Paper  Medium,  and  that  the  value  of  this 
medium  shall  be  regulated ,  from  time  to  time  by  a  Scale  of  value 
or  depreciation.  I  am  afraid  the  Ladies  were  ill  entertained 
while  they  staid  with  us. — We  dropt  the  subject  on  going  into  the 
Tea  Room,  where  more  general  topics  took  place — A  while  after 
Tea,  I  took  my  leave  and  retired  to  my  Quarters — 

Friday,  November  30.  I  staid  in  INTewbern  till  about  3  O'Clock 
in  the  Afternoon,  then  set  off  alone,  for  "Washington — Coming  out 
of  Town  I  heedlessly  miss'd  my  way,  and  rode  about  two  Miles 
before  I  was  sensible  of  my  being  wrong — Had  I  only  thrown  the 
reins  on  the  Horse's  Neck  he  wou'd  probably  have  gone  right,  as 
he  knew  the  way  home  to  Washington  better  than  I,  and  it  is  also 
probable  that  he  had  not  such  a  variety  of  ideas  to  embarrass  his 
mind. — The  Road  from  ISTewbern  to  Washington  is  thro'  a  Tract 
of  Country  mostly  a  flat  and  level  body  of  Land,  the  Soil  a  whitish 
Sand,  the  timber  is  mostly  Pines;  in  some  places  the  Pines  mixt 
with  a  few  Oaks;  in  one  place  the  Road  goes  a  short  distance 
thro'  a  Swamp  of  large  Cypress  Trees,  and  small  canes,  with 
which  are  intermingled  a  variety  of  Shrubs  and  Vines  growing  out 
of  the  water. — The  Road  is  partly  cover'd  with  the  dead  spines 
or  leaves  of  the  Pines,  of  a  rust  colour — Abundance  of  the  Trees, 
more  particularly  the  Oaks,  have  large  quantities  of  a  long  silver 
grey  colour  Moss  hanging  from  the  branches,  it  grows  often  3,  4 
or  5  feet  long  and  looks  like  Streamers  hanging  from  the  boughs — 
This  Moss  is  good  food  for  Cattle,  who  are  generally  very  fond  of 
it — In  the  Winter  when  Fodder  is  short  the  people  cut  down  the  U 
Trees  cover'd  with  it  for  the  Cattle  to  browse. — About  dark  I 
arrived  at  Neuse  River,  where  giving  one  or  two  halloes  that  made 
the  Woods  echo,  the  Ferryman  on  the  other  side  heard  and 
answr'd  me — Then  came  over  in  the  Ferry  Scow  and  took  me 
across  to  the  Ferry  House  a  little  distance  from  the  River,  where 
Mrs.  Curtis  gave  me  hospitable  entertainment, — There  is  a  long 
Causeway  to  pass  on  the  South  side  of  Neuse  River  very  bad  in 
wet  Seasons — 

Saturday,  December  1.     After  Breakfast  I  set   out  alone  for 
Washington,  after  riding  a  Mile  or  two,  looking  down  upon  the 


22  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Road  I  thought  there  lay  in  the  path  a  fine  large  Orange,  which  in 
a  moment  I  concluded  had  dropt  from  the  pocket  of  somebody 
who  had  been  down  to  INTewbern,  &  was  carrying  it  home ;  perhaps 
it  might  be  for  a  present  for  his  Sweetheart — I  found  it  however 
to  be  only  a  i  Gourd  or  Squash  in  colour  &  shape  like  an  Orange 
and  is  very  common  in  this  Country. 

A  few  miles  further  on,  I  saw  two  beautiful  Woodpeckers  with 
varigated  plumage  and  red  towering  Crests — Their  Note  was  a 
repetition  in  a  shrill  sound  of  the  word  PEAP.  They  were  much 
larger  than  any  I  ever  saw  in  Pennsylvania. 

Sunday  &  Monday,  December  2  &  3.  Staid  at  T.  Blackledge's — 
Several  Visitors  there — During  my  absence  at  Newbern,  a  quarrel 
has  taken  place  between  Kirby/and  Ford — Wrote  to  J.  K.  inclos- 
ing R.  Blackledge's  Papers,  Sunday.  Ford  fined  20  pounds  for 
Assaulting  Kirby,  and  bound  to  good  behaviour. — 

In  the  evening  I  went  and  took  Tea  at  Mrs.  Shoemaker's  by 
invitation.  Mrs.  Nuttle  came  in,  I  waited  on  her  home,  She  in- 
vites me  to  Visit. — At  Mr.  Blackledge's  today  was  introduced  to 
Messrs.  Grimes14,  father  and  son. — Miss  Betsy  Grimes  &  Miss  Polly 
Watkins  came  and  staid  at  Mr.  Blackledge's — 

Wednesday,  December  5.  It  was  so  warm  &  pleasant  today  we 
sat  with  open  Windows.  Staid  at  T.  Blackledge's — Miss  Salter, 
Miss  Grimes,  Miss  Watkins,  two  Miss  Eastwood's  there — cloudy 
and  some  Rain. — Capt.  John  Wallace15  gave  us  a  good  deal  of  his 
Company  today. 

Thursday,  December  6.  A  Cloudy  and  rainy  Day,  staid  at 
home;  spent  the  day  Writing,  Reading  and  Chatting — I  think 
it  observable  that  our  Language  is  more  and  more  sliding  into 
modes  of  expression  allusive  and  allegorical,  approximating  to 
the  eastern  stile — Professional  Men,  Lawyers,   Seamen,   Soldiers 


14Messrs.  Grimes,  father  and  son,  were  Demsie  Grimes  and  his  son  the 
first  Bryan  Grimes.  Demsie  Grimes  was  a  wealthy  and  leading  citizen  of  Pitt 
county ;  he  owned  Avon  and  Grimesland  plantations  on  the  South  side  of  Tar 
River,  about  twelve  miles  from  Washington.  Bryan  Grimes  was  the  father  of  the 
late  distinguished  General  Bryan  Grimes  of  the  Confederate  Army;  and  of  the 
late   Mr.    William    Grimes   a    highly   valued   citizen   of    Raleigh. 

"Miss  Betsy  Grimes"  mentioned  further  on  was  the  daughter  of  Demsie  Grimes 
and  married  Reading  Grist.  She  was  the  ancestress  of  the  Grist  family  of  Beaufort 
county.  She  is  buried  in  the  Grimes  burial  plot  at  Avon  where  repose  the  remains 
of  three  generations  of  her  family. 

16Capt.  John  Wallace,  a  citizen  of  Beaufort  county  for  many  years  prominent  in 
the  seafaring  trade  and  other  industries.  He  was  distinguished  for  energy  and  ac- 
tivity in  business,  the  late  Capt.  Alf  Styron  of  Washington  was  one  of  his  descendants. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  23 

&c.  introduce  many  phrases  into  common  Language,  at  first  per- 
haps ludicrously,  which  by  degrees  obtain  a  currency,  and  are 
applied  to  the  business  of  common  life,  the  Soldier  desires  you 
to  parade  yourself  and  take  a  walk  with  him,  he  tells  you  that 
he  visited  at  such  a  place,  and  staid  till  they  began  to  parade 
Dinner,  then  he  March' d  off,  the  Sailor  finds  you  lying  down,  he 
enquires  "What's  the  matter  that  you  are  lying  "on  your  Beam 
ends*  and  tells  you  to  "Get  up,  or  Ben  "will  get  to  Windward 
of  you  for  he  is  eating  all  the  Pie."  I  am  persuaded  that  many 
terms  introduced  in  this  way  ludicrously  are  adopted  at  last  as 
classical — It  sounds  strange  to  my  ear,  to  hear  the  people  in 
Carolina,  instead  of  the  word  carry  or  carried  commonly  say, 
toat,  or  toated — I  asked  a  boy  what  made  his  head  so  flat  he 
replied  "It  was  occasioned  by  toating  Water.  This  is  the  usual 
phrase — I  am  told  the  Joiner  charges  in  his  bill  for  "toating 
the  Coffin  home"  after  it  is  finished. 

Friday,  December  7.  Captain  John  Wallace  informs  me,  that 
in  one  of  his  Voyages  at  Sea,  in  Latitude  23%  North,  they  caught 
a  Shark  about  ten  feet  long,  in  whose  Maw  was  2  Hats  &  1  Milled 
Cap ;  this  he  declares  to  me,  that  he  saw  with  his  own  eyes. — 
Tho'  many  things  are  related  of  the  dangers  from  Sharks,  yet 
I  have  not  known,  nor  ever  heard  credibly  attested,  that  a  Shark 
has  ever  bit  or  injured  a  living  Man  on  the  Coast  of  the  United 
States — Thousands  of  Men  in  the  Summer  Season,  are  in  the 
Water,  Bathing,  Fishing  &c.  upon  our  Coasts — 

Miss  Watkins  &  Miss  Grimes  left  us  today — In  the  Afternoon 
I  was  introduced  to  Mrs.  Jno.  Blount,  by  Mrs.  Blackledge. — The 
Weather  clears  in  the  Afternoon — 

Mr.  Blount;  Mrs.  Blount;  Mr.  Arnett,  a  Lawyer;  Capt,  Wal- 
lace and  Miss  Sally  Salter  drank  Tea  with  us. — A  party  agreed 
for  Deer  Hunting  tomorrow. — 

Saturday,  December  8. 

To  drive  the  Deer  with  voice  and  hpund, 
This  Morn  we  took  our  way, 


But,- 


No  stricken  Buck  hath  cause  to  rue, 
The  Hunting  of  the  Day. — 


24  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

A  Frosty  Morning,  When  the  day  grew  warm  the  Dew  Drops 
hung  at  the  end  of  the  leaves,  like  Diamonds  quivering  in  the 
Sun  beams — 

About  9  O'Clock,  a  party  of  us,  embark'd  to  cross  Tar  River 
to  go  on  a  Deer  Hunt,  the  Company  were,  Capt.  Dill,  Messrs. 
Thos.  Blackledge;  Nuttle;  Whipple,  Bonner,  Capt.  John  Wal- 
lace ;  and  myself,  we  row'd  in  Dill's  boat  by  two  Sailors ;  John 
Blount  Esqr.  was  to  cross  over  in  a  Canoe  and  meet  us,  over 
the  River  at  his  Farm10  near  which  we  were  to  hunt  this  Morn- 
ing— The  method  of  hunting  is  generally  as  follows, 

One  part  of  the  Company  go  into  the  Wood  with  the  Hounds 
and  usually  carry  their  Guns  along,  here  they  begin  to  trail  for 
the  Deer  Tracks,  and  put  the  Dogs  on  the  Scent,  the  other  part 
of  the  Company  are  station'd  in  different  places  where  it  is  known 
that  the  Deer  usually  cross  the  Forest  towards  the  River,  for  a 
hunted  Deer  when  hard  push'd  by  the  Dogs  and  Hunters  generally 
makes  for  the  Water  where  they  can  swim  with  great  strength 
and  swiftness, — A  party  is  station'd  in  a  Canoe  or  Boat  to  pur- 
sue him,  if  he  takes  the  Water, — If  he  takes  the  River  They  must 
seize  him  by  the  Tail  and  lift  him  by  it  and  drown  him. — All 
this  we  tried  but  without  getting  a  Deer — I  was  station'd  at  a 
Neck  of  Land  that  joins  a  small  peninsula  to  the  Main  and  was 
known  to  be  a  good  place  for  the  reception  of  a  herd  running  down 
I  stood  at  my  'Post  for  about  two  hours  with  the  vigilance  of  a 
Sentinel  looking  for  an  enemy  with  7  small  bullets  in  my  Gun, 
to  pepper  him  well,  but  no  Buck  came  near  me ;  one  of  our 
party  shot  at  a  Doe  a  considerable  distance  from  him,  but  with- 
out effect,  she  got  away — While  I  stood  at  my  Post  five  Hounds 
pass'd  me  within  30  Yards,  and  shortly  open'd  their  Music,  soon 
after,  I  heard  a  most  dreadful  squealing  of  Pigs,  I  was  after- 
wards told  that  a  party  of  the  Neighbors  were  out  hunting  Wild 
Hogs;  when  the  dogs  seize  them,  the  Men  come  up,  tie  the  feet 
of  the  Hog  taken,   and  leave  him  on  the  spot   for  the   present, 


16One  of  the  historic  spots  near  Washington.  It  was  devised  by  the  will  of 
John  Gray  Blount  to  his  grandson,  William  Blount  Rodman,  and  became  known 
as  "Rodman's  Quarters."  It  was  occupied  by  both  Federals  and  Confederates 
during  the  Civil  War  as  a  fort,  from  which  point  of  vantage  each  at  different 
times  shelled  the  Town  in  efforts  to  dislodge  the  other.  It  is  now  owned  in  part 
by   Mr.    Ott    Rumley. 


JOURNAL    OF    A    TOUR    TO    NORTH    CAROLINA  25 

then  halloe  the  dogs  after  the  rest  of  the  herd. — Returning  from 
the  Hunt  we  saw  a  ISTegroe  in  only  his  shirt  bringing  a  horse 
from  the  fields,  he  shook  with  cold.  We  returned  to  "Washington 
in  the  Afternoon. 

Sunday,  December  9.  Thos.  Blackledge  being  about  to  remove 
from  Washington,  I  yesterday  evening  moved  my  effects  to  Geo. 
Horn's,  where  I  have  engaged  to  Board,  to  pay  6/  Paper  Money 
per  day ;  if  absent  three  days  to  be  allowed  the  time — Dined  there 
today  for  the  first  time — In  the  afternoon  went  with  Doctor 
Loomis  &  others  to  the  funeral  of  John  Bonner17,  about  a  Mile 
in  the  Country ;  when  we  arrived  at  the  house,  we  found  it  crowded 
with  a  mixt  Company  of  Men  and  Women,  sitting  &  standing 
round  the  Corpse,  which  was  nailed  up  in  a  Coffin  and  cever'd 
with  a  Sheet,  Parson  Blount18  was  standing  with  a  Tea  Table  be- 
fore him,  to  hold  his  Books,  and  an  Arm  Chair  for  him  to  sit 
down  if  he  chose  it — He  went  thro'  a  long  service  from  the  Lit- 
urgy of  the  Church  of  England  Prayers,  Creeds,  Psalms,  &c.  and 
afterwards  preach'd  a  very  excellent  Funeral  Sermon;  and  in- 
stead of  a  fulsome  eulogium  on  the  deceased,  he  very  patheti- 
cally exhorted  his  hearers  to  consider  the  shortness  of  life,  the 
certainty  of  Death  &  the  necessity  of  a  preparation  for  the  World 
to  come. — I  staid  till  Sermon  was  over,  when  being  very  cold, 
I  came  away — I  was  told  that  the  Corpse  was  carried  to  the 
family  burying  place  on  the  Farm  by  six  bearers  with  Napkins, 
in  the  manner  Children  are  commonly  borne  to  the  Grave ;  each 
of  the  bearers  had  a  black  Ribband  tied  round  one  of  their  Arms — 

This  Man  tho'  a  Member  of  the  Assembly,  and  a  rich  Batche- 
lor,  lived  in  an  old  house  that  had  four  Windows  in  the  lower 
room  only  one  of  which  appeared  ever  to  have  been  glazed;  the 
others  had  sash  lights  but  no  Glass — 


17Jolm  Bonner,  one  of  the  Bonner  family  on  whose  land  the  Town  of  Washington 
was  planted.  James  and  Henry  Bonner  were  the  founders  of  the  township.  They 
have   many   honored   descendants   in   town   and    count}'   today. 

lsRev.  Nathaniel  Blount,  familiarly  known  as  "Parson  Blount,"  was  a  first 
cousin  of  the  brothers,  John  Gray,  Reaumg,  and  Thomas  Blount,  all  of  whom 
are  mentioned  in  the  Journal.  He  was  a  student  for  the  ministry  under  Rev. 
Alexander  Stewart  of  St.  Thomas  church,  Bath.  He  was  ordained  in  London  in 
1773.  In  the  same  year  he  built  "Blount's  Chapel,"  now  Trinity  Church,  Choco- 
winity.  The  families  of  Mrs.  Thomas  Kingsbury  of  Wilmington  and  Mr.  Levi 
Blount  of  Mississippi  represent  his  descendants. 


26  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

I  return'd  to  Horn's  where  I  spent  the  evening. 

Monday,  December  10.  In  the  forenoon  paid  a  Visit  at  Thos. 
Blackledge's  Sally  Salter  went  home  by  Water  accompanied  by 
two  young  Girls,  Louisa  Salter  &  Fanny  Batchelor;  I  went  to 
the  water  side  with  them — 

This  has  been  a  clear  cold  day.  At  night  I  paid  a  visit  to 
Rachel  Shoemaker — 

Tuesday,  December  11.  Writing  all  day  at  my  Quarters  till 
evening,  then  receiving  an  invitation  from  John  G.  Blount  I 
went  and,  drank  Tea  at  his  house.  Thos.  Blackledge  and  his 
Wife  were  there  Blount  gives  me  a  general  invitation  to  his 
house — Doctor  Loomis  introduced  me  today  to  Mr.  Hacket,  just 
arrived  from  Tarborough,  and  one  of  Horn's  boarders — .Captain 
Scott  and  Mr.  McKim  are  also  boarders  in  Horn's  family. 

Wednesday,  December  12.  Dined  at  Thomas  Blackledge's  today 
on  Venison  by  invitation  from  him  last  evening — The  Venison 
was  tender  and  excellent,  being  part  of  a  Fawn  that  he  with 
others  got  yesterday  just  on  the  back  of  Town;  they  went  to  look 
for  some  Hogs;  and  some  Dogs  that  were  along,  giving  indica- 
tions of  Game  being  near,  upon  looking  out  they  saw  this  hapless 
Fawn;  one  of  the  Comy  fired,  and  broke  its  leg;  the  Dogs  im- 
mediately catch'd  it. — After  Dinner  Mr.  Stephen  Cambreleng 
calling  in,  I  was  introduced  to  him. 

This  has  been  a  Cold  Day  tho'  clear,  it  is  said  some  of  the 
small  Creeks  are  frozen  over,  a  circumstance  uncommon  here  at 
this  Season — 

Thursday,  December  13.  In  Conversation  this  Morning  at 
Breakfast,  it  was  mention'd  by  Capt.  Scott  that  the  allowance  of 
provision  made  to  a  working  Slave,  in  a  part  of  this  State  and 
in  South  Carolina,  was  one  peck  of  Indian  Corn  per  Week19 :  this 
he  was  to  dress  or  cook  as  he  pleased;  they  are  allowed  no  Meat, 
they  have  the  privilege  sometimes  of  working  a  bit  of  Ground  for 
themselves,  out  of  such  time  as  they  gain  when  Task'd,  or  on  Sun- 
days.    One  of  the  Company  present,  a  Stranger  I  did  not  know, 

"This  was  probably  a  tale  meant  to  amuse  the  visitor.  The  woods  were  full 
of  small  game,  and  the  rivers  teemed  with  fish,  a  resource  then,  as  now  for 
whites   and   blacks    alike. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  27 

told  us,  that  in  one  of  his  Voyages  to  the  Coast  of  Guinea,  and  at 
a  place  called  the  River  Jenk,  he  was  present  at  the  burial  of  an 
old  Chief  or  King  who  had  died — The  body  of  the  King  was  in  a 
Coffin  of  Wood :  his  people  buried  along  with  him  five  stout  ~Ne- 
groe  Men  alive,  these  were  without  Coffins,  they  submitted  to  this 
without  apparent  reluctance,  and  received  some  Rum  to  drink  just 
before  they  were  buried — 

In  the  evening  went  to  Thomas  Blackledge's  where  I  drank 
Chocolate — 

Friday,  December  Ik-  This  forenoon  rode  out  on  a  visit  to  Col- 
onel Kennedy's20  about  two  Miles  from  "Washington  he  lives  near 
the  River  side,  a  large  Creek  runs  by  his  house,  our  party  was 
Mrs.  Thos.  Blackledge  in  a  Sulky,  and  Lucy  Harvey21,  and  myself 
on  Horseback,  we  dined  and  drank  Tea  there,  and  spent  a  very- 
agreeable  day  with  Col.  &  Mrs.  Kennedy,  their  Son  John  &  daugh- 
ter Miss  Absoley,  Miss  Evans  was  there  on  a  visit  but  scarcely 
spoke — Absoley  is  a  pleasing  Character,  genteel  in  her  person, 
mild  and  amiable  in  her  manners,  attentive  to  the  Company ;  with 
graveness,  a  degree  of  Cheerfulness — She  put  me  in  mind  of  a 
lady  I  once  loved — We  return'd  by  Moonlight,  &  Mrs.  Blackledge 
drove  thro'  the  Woods  with  such  Spirit  all  the  way  home,  Lucy 
and  myself  rode  full  Gallop  to  keep  up  with  her — 

This  was  Lucy's  first  ride  by  herself  on  horseback,  we  had 
scarcely  rode  one  Mile  out,  before  she  was  able  to  Canter,  tho'  our 
first  outset  was  rather  unpromising — I  never  saw  any  Girl  ride 
so  well  on  the  first  trial — 


^Colonel  Kennedy  was  a  wealthy  and  leading  citizen  of  Beaufort  county.  His 
home  here  mentioned,  was  a  social  center  of  refined  hospitality.  The  house  was 
built  about  1750,  and  is  still  standing.  The  foundation  which  encloses  a  substan- 
tial cellar  is  built  of  brick  as  are  the  chimneys  and  both  ends,  while  the  front  and 
back  of  the  house  are  of  timber.  This  presents  an  unusual  appearance  for  if  you 
approach  from  the  east  or  west  you  expect  to  enter  a  brick  building,  but  on  arriving 
at  the  front  or  rear  entrance  you  see  only  a  frame  building  on  a  brick  foundation. 
The  interior  was  elegant  in  its  day,  though  now  stained  by  age  and  abuse.  The 
family  burying  ground  nearby  is  enclosed  by  a  substantial  iron  fence,  but  the 
handsome   marble    monuments    therein    are   being    wrecked    by    the   ravages    of    time. 

The  place  is  now  the  property  of  the  heirs  of  General  Bryan  Grimes,  who  pur- 
chased  it  after  the   Civil  War. 

^Lucy  Harvey  was  a  daughter  of  Col.  Miles  Harvey  and  sister  of  Mrs.  John  Gray 
Blount  with  whom  she  made  her  home,  both  parents  being  dead.  She  married 
Major  Reading  Blount  in  1794.  They  are  buried  in  their  family  burial  plot,  on  what 
was  their  country  home  of  "Bellefont."  This  place  has  passed  into  other  owner- 
ship  and   is   subdivided    into    small   farms. 


28  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

I  sat  a  while  with  the  Ladies  on  our  return,  then  retired  to 
Home's  to  my  Quarters  there  I  always  find  a  great  deal  of  Com- 
pany. 

Saturday,  December  15.  WASHINGTON  is  a  Town  contain- 
ing about  sixty  Families,  it  is  situated  on  the  North  East  side  of 
Tar  Eiver  about  40  Miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Eiver  and  80 
from  Ocracoke  Bar — the  River  at  Washington  is  about  %  of  a 
Mile  over  but  the  Channel  is  narrow,  there  being  flats  near  the 
Shore;  Vessels  drawing  7%  feet  Water  come  up  to  the  Town 
when  the  River  is  low ;  when  the  Water  is  raised  by  Freshes  Vessels 
of  greater  burthen  can  come  there ;  for  about  two  Miles  below  the 
Town  the  Navigation  is  impeded  by  sunken  Logs,  and  by  Stumps 
of  large  Trees  that  are  supposed  to  have  grown  there — From  this 
Town  the  trade  up  the  River  as  far  as  the  town  of  Tarborough  at 
the  head  of  the  Navigation,  is  carried  on  chiefly  in  large  Scows 
and  Flats  drawing  but  little  Water,  some  of  these  carry  70  or  80 
hogsheads  of  Tobacco — Tarborough  is  50  Miles  above  Washington 
and  contains  about  20  families — 

At  Washington  there  are  several  convenient  Wharffes,  and  there 
are  sometimes  lying  here  near  20  sail  of  Sea  Vessels — Washington 
being  the  County  Town  of  Beaufort  County  there  is  a  Court 
House  and  Prison  there;  and  there  is  a  School  House — The  Lots 
upon  the  River  are  laid  out  100  feet  front  to  each  Lot. — The 
Houses  are  built  of  Wood  a  few  are  large  and  convenient — 

Tar  River  like  many  other  Rivers  of  North  Carolina  has  no 
tide,  other  than  a  small  rise  sometimes  occasioned  by  the  Winds 
driving  the  Waters,  a  Vessel  at  Anchor  usually  rides  with  her  head 
to  the  Wind.  Heavy  Rains  however  occasion  considerable  Freshes 
when  these  happen  it  is  difficult  setting  and  poleing  Flats  up  the 
River,  they  often  then  warp  up  by  Ropes  fastened  to  the  Trees  on 
the  bank. 

Mr.  Nuttle  brought  with  him  to  our  Quarters  this  Evening  a 
large  Dog,  singular  for  being  whelped  almost  without  a  Tail,  he 
has  now  but  a  short  stump  about  an  inch  long,  it  is  cover'd  with 
hair  just  covering  the  Stump  and  ending  in  a  point  at  the  bottom 
of  the  Stump. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  29 

Sunday,  December  16.  Dined  with  Doctor  Loomiss  by  invita- 
tion, there  were  present  Messrs.  Leland  and  Arnett,  those  two  Gen- 
tlemen went  away  directly  after  dinner,  at  the  Doctor's  desire  I 
staid  till  near  evening,  after  Tea  I  took  leave — We  had  much  talk 
— He  invites  me  to  take  Christmas  Dinner  with  him,  if  I  stay  in 
Washington — From  the  Doctor's  I  went  to  Thos.  Blackledge's  drank 
Tea  there — A  good  deal  of  Company  was  there — 

Deliver'd  letters  to  Capt.  Kirby  for  Philadelphia  for  John 
Kaigher,  Benjn.  Horner,  William  Zane,  Richard  Adams  and  Polly 
Attmore,  I  enclosed  the  whole  in  a  cover  directed  for  Kaiger  & 
Attmore.  No  Fire  Engine  is  kept  in  the  place,  neither  is  there 
any  Fire  Buckets,  If  a  Fire  should  happen  in  a  high  Wind,  the 
Town  might  suffer  much. 

By  many  this  place  is  counted  unhealthy,  some  however  are  of  a" 
contrary  opinion. 

Lately  there  has  been  a  Rum  Distillery  established  at  this  place 
— This  is  not  likely  to  render  the  place  more  healthy — 

The  Merchants  export  from  this  Town,  Tar,  Pitch,  Turpentine, 
Rozin,  Indian  Corn,  Boards,  Scantling,  Staves,  Shingles,  Furs, 
Tobacco,  Pork,  Lard,  Tallow,  Beeswax,  Myrtlewax,  Pease,  and 
some  other  articles,  their  Trade  is  chiefly  with  the  West  Indies 
and  with  the  other  States  on  this  Continent;  the  Navigation  not 
admitting  Vessels  of  great  burthen  to  come  up  to  the  Town;  and 
for  a  large  Vessel  to  lay  below  to  load  at  the  Anchorage  near  the 
Bar,  is  always  inconvenient,  and  sometimes  dangerous. 

Monday,  December  17.  Rain  last  night,  and  Cloudy  and  wet 
today — Capt.  Kirby  sailed  for  Philadelphia. 

Tuesday,  December  18.  I  breakfasted  this  Morning  at  Home's, 
after  breakfast  walk'd  down  to  Thomas  Blackledge's  to  enquire  if 
he  could  accomodate  me  with  a  Horse  to  ride  up  the  Country  to 
visit  William  Tuton  on  business;  I  found  David  Jones  there,  who 
inform'd  me  that  he  was  riding  towards  Tarborough;  and  of 
course  would  be  company  for  me  upwards  of  30  Miles;  Company 
is  generally  desirable  upon  a  Journey,  but  is  particularly  agree- 
able when  one  is  going  a  road  that  we  have  not  traveled  before,  if 
the  person   is  well   acquainted  with   the   Road; — Mr.   Blackledge 


30  James  Speunt  Historical  Publications 

was  out,  but  Polly  ventured  to  let  me  have  the  Horse  that  I  had 
rode  to  INTewbern, — Mr.  Jones  invited  me  to  take  an  early  dinner 
with  him,  which  I  accepted,  and  afterwards  we  set  out,  We  saw  a 
number  of  partridges  by  the  side  of  the  Road,  they  did  not  take 
wing  on  our  coming  up  but  run  into  the  bushes,  we  could  have  killed 
a  great  many  of  them  if  we  had  been  furnished  with  Guns — After 
riding  on  we  consulted  together  and  agreed  that  we  would  cross 
Tar  River  at  Mrs.  Salter's  and  go  on  as  far  as  Mr.  Grimes  with 
whom  both  of  us  were  acquainted  and  stay  all  night, — We  cross'd 
the  River;  at  this  place  about  a  hundred  yards  over,  in  a  small 
Scow,  and  walk'd  up  a  high  bank  to  Mrs.  Salter's  house22,  which  is 
near  the  bank  of  the  River  and  commands  a  fine  prospect  down 
the  River  for  a  Mile  or  two, — We  went  into  the  House,  Mrs.  Sal- 
ter is  Mother  to  Polly  Blackledge  and  Sally  Salter,  that  I  have 
mentioned  to  you  before,  Sally  &  her  Mother  were  both  at  home, 
as  was  Peggy,  another  daughter ;  a  very  pretty  and  agreeable  Girl ; 
my  fellow  Traveller,  I  soon  found,  had  prepared  an  oblation,  he 
produced  from  his  pocket  several  fine  Oranges  which  he  presented 
to  the  Mother  and  Daughters,  he  had  also  Letters  for  Miss  Sally, 
from  some  of  her  Friends  at  Washington — Mrs.  Salter  invited  us 
to  stay  and  take  Coffee;  and  afterwards  to  lodge  there,  this  seem- 
ing to  be  more  pleasing  to  Mr.  Jones,  than  to  go  on  further,  I 
readily  agreed  to  it— And  our  Horses  were  put  up.  We  spent  the 
evening  in  conversation  on  different  subjects,  amongst  the  rest  a 
good  deal  was  said  on  Religion — At  length  Jones  &  I  retired  to 
go  to  rest,  we  found  two  Beds  in  our  room,  and  proposed  to  our- 
selves each  to  take  one  to  himself,  but  my  fellow  Traveller  upon 
examining  the  one  that  by  tacit  consent  had  fallen  to  his  lot,  found 
it  to  be  without  Sheets,  this  circumstance  rather  disconcerted  him, 
as  I  believe  he  had  before  heard  me  say,  that  I  had  as  lieve  sleep 
with  a  Snapping  Turtle  or  a  Two-Year-old  Bull,  as  with  a  Man, 
However  I  soon  relieved  him  by  declaring  that  in  present  circum- 
stances his  Company  would  not  be  disagreeable,  and  we  tumbled 
in  and  went  to  Sleep. 


22"Mrs.  Salter's  house"  this  was  the  plantation  of  Col.  Edmund  Salter,  not  far 
from  Avon  and  Grimesland.  It  was  in  recent  years  the  residence  of  Col.  jusepu 
Saunders   of   Confederate   fame. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  31 

Wednesday,  December  19.  Jones  and  I  rose  early  intending  to 
ride  on  to  Mr.  Grimes's  three  Miles  from  Mrs.  Salter's  where  we 
made  no  doubt  that  we  should  find  a  good  Breakfast,  we  bid  adieu 
to  Mrs.  Salter,  who  had  risen ;  and  pursued  our  way ;  we  called 
at  Mr.  Grimes's  we  found  that  he  had  gone  from  home,  his  daugh- 
ter Betsey  that  I  had  seen  at  Thomas  Blackledge's  with  two  other 
young  Women  were  at  home,  they  were  at  work  in  a  room  below 
stairs,  and  we  soon  found  that  they  seemed  rather  embarrass'd 
with  our  Company;  to  our  Grief,  they  for  half  an  hour  neglected 
to  ask  us  whether  we  had  breakfasted23,  being  in  despair  on  this 
head  Jones  asked  if  I  would  ride  on,  as  Mr.  Grimes  was  not  at 
home;  with  great  reluctance  I  was  obliged  to  answer,  Yes, — Then 
with  heavy  hearts  we  bid  the  Girls,  good  b'ye,  mounted  our  horses, 
and  rode  twelve  Miles  to  Greenville,  formerly  called  Martinsburg; 
here  at  the  hospitable  house  of  Mr.  Johnson,  Innkeeper,  we  re- 
lieved our  importunate  Appetites — Some  disappointment  like  this 
probably  induced  Shenstone  to  write  his  poem  beginning, 

Who'er    has    travelled    Life's    dull    round, 

Where'er  his  various  fate  has  been; 
May  blush  to  think,  how  oft  he's  found, 

His  warmest  welcome  at  an  Inn — 

GREENEVILLE,  so  called  in  Honour  of  General  Green,  is  the 
County  Town  of  Pitt  County;  it  is  situated  on  the  Southeast  side 
of  Tar  River,  at  this  place  about  90  or  100  yards  over,  when  the 
River  is  low;  tho'  near  a  Mile  wide  when  there  are  freshes  in  the 
River,  and  it  is  here  about  ten  feet  deep. — The  Village  consists  of 
about  fifteen  families,  and  is  a  place  of  some  Trade,  the  planters 
in  the  vicinity,  bringing  their  produce  to  this  Landing.  The 
Town  stands  high  and  pleasant. 

Mr.  Jones  and  I,  after  eating  our  Breakfasts  walked  to  Messrs. 
Easton  and  Wright's  Store  at  the  bank  of  the  River,  with  the 
latter  I  had  some  business,  the  former  was  my  fellow  passenger, 

23"They  neglected  to  ask  us  whether  we  had  breakfasted."  This  was  probably 
not  from  lack  of  hospitality  on  the  part  of  Miss  Belsy  Grimer,  but  was  occasioned 
by  the  strict  etiquette  of  that  day.  A' young  lady  of  'her  hisrh  position  would  have 
committed  a  social  error  had  she  entertained  strange  young  men  in  the  absence  of 
her  parents.  Her  mother  was  dead  and  her  father  and  brother  absent  on  business, 
therefore,    "they   seemed   rather  embarrassed   with   our   company." 


32  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

Mr.  Easton  invited  us  to  drink  some  Punch  with  him,  before  we 
continued  our  Journey,  this  we  did,  not  because  we  wanted  any,  but 
it  is  a  maxim  with  me  in  general  not  to  reject  the  proffered  civili- 
ties of  any  Man:  we  walked  up  to  his  lodgings  where  I  saw  his 
daughter  little  Sylvia  my  fellow  passenger  from  Philadelphia — 
Just  as  we  were  about  to  set  off  from  Greeneville,  it  began  Pain- 
ing and  appeared  likely  to  continue  to  rain  the  whole  day,  we  had 
our  Horses  led  to  the  Stable  again,  and  after  waiting  two  or  three 
hours,  appearances  being  more  favourable,  we  crossed  to  the  North 
side  of  the  River  in  a  small  Scow  and  pursued  our  way — 

We  rode  about  10  Miles,  to  the  house  of  ¥m,  Tuton  and  were 
informed  there,  that  he  was  gone  to  Tarborough  and  was  not  ex- 
pected home  for  several  days,  this  determined  me  to  accompany 
Mr.  Jones  to  that  place,  we  accordingly  rode  on  five  Miles  fur- 
ther and  about  night  fall  arrived  at  the  house  of  Mrs.  Cobb,  an 
ancient  woman,  who  keeps  a  petty  Ordinary — We  concluded  to 
stay  here  all  night,  not  being  sure  of  obtaining  a  lodging  in  Tar- 
borough if  we  went  there,  as  we  had  heard  that  every  house  was 
crowded,  the  Assembly  being  then  met  at  that  place.  Mrs.  Cobbs' 
house  consisted  of  two  Apartments,  one  was  the  sitting  Room,  the 
floor  was  of  Clay  or  dirt,  and  there  was  one  Bed  in  the  Room — 
The  other  Apartment  was  floored  with  Boards  and  contained 
four  good  Beds,  two  on  each  side  of  the  Room. — Mrs..  Cobb;  is  a 
Woman  between  83  and  84  years  of  Age,  as  she  told  me;  she  was 
born  in  the  Isle  of  Wight  County,  Virginia,  she  retains  her  facul- 
ties and  is  as  brisk  and  lively  as  most  Women  of  30  years  of  Age — 
She  waits  on  Travellers  herself  and  even  goes  to  the  Stable  and 
takes  care  of  their  Horses  herself.  This  not  from  necessity,  hav- 
ing assistance  enough  if  she  chooses  it;  but  seems  to  plume  herself 
on  her  activity,  and  attention  to  her  Guests  and  to  their  Horses — 
This  Woman  has  near  50  descendants  Children,  Grandchildren, 
and  Great  Grandchildren — We  complained  on  entering  the  House 
that  the  Fire  was  almost  out,  she  went  and  brought  a  load  of 
Wood,  threw  it  on,  and  with  a  pleasant  air  said  ''There  it  will  be 
a  fire  when  it  burns" — alluding  I  suppose  to  the  Story  of  the  Fox 
that  made  the  Ice  smoke — We  were  furnished  with  a  very  indif- 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  33 

fereiit  supper;  but  our  Horses  being  well  taken  care  of  in  regard 
to  food  and  each  one  being  fastened  by  himself  in  a  cover'd  log- 
Pen,  we  getting  clean  and  good  beds  for  ourselves  were  not  un- 
easy.— 

Mr.  Van  Noorden24  and  another  Gentleman  arrived  in  the 
course  of  the  evening  at  this  Stage  we  were  now  four  Guests  but 
we  got  each  of  us  a  bed  to  ourselves. — 

Thursday,  December  20.  We  were  alarmed  in  our  Quarters 
before  day,  by  the  firing  of  Muskets  at  some  little  distance  froi)  ' 
the  house  in  which  we  lay — We  found  that  the  firing  was  at  a 
school  House  in  the  neighborhood,  of  our  Quarters,  with  powder 
only;  tis  the  custom  here  for  School  Boys  upon  the  approach  of 
Christmas,  Easter  and  Whitsuntide,  to  rebel  against  their  School- 
master, in  order  to  force  him  to  grant  them  a  holiday;  the  boys 
rise  early  in  the  Morning  and  go  to  the  School  House,  which  is 
considered  as  their  Fort,  they  barricade  the  Door  and  Windows, 
carry  into  the  house  with  them  victuals  and  blankets,  with  water 
and  wood,  sufficient  to  sustain  the  Siege  that  they  expect  from  the 
Master;  Upon  his  approach  at  the  usual  School  hours,  he  finds 
himself  shut  out,  he  demands  the  cause,  the  Garrison  acquaints 
him  that  they  are  determined  to  have  a  holiday,  this  is  frequently 
denied,  and  now  commences  the  Siege,  the  Master  tries  to  force 
his  way  into  the  house,  they  resist  him  by  every  means  in  their 
power,  and  sometimes  give  him  some  very  serious  hard  knocks, 
throw  Stones  &c.  It  is  generally  looked  upon  as  a  piece  of  fun; 
the  Master  pretends  to  be  solicitous  to  subdue  them,  and  if  he 
catches  any  Stragler  from  the  Fort,  he  will  flog  him  heartily  &  it- 
is  understood  on  these  occasions  that  the  boys  are  to  be  peaceable, 
except  during  the  actual  storm  of  the  enemy,  when  they  are  at 
liberty  to  maul  him  to  their  hearts  content — This  Scene  is  some- 
times continued  many  days,  at  last  the  Master  proposes  terms, 
that  he  grants  them  so  many  days  holiday;  which  if  satisfactory 
being  accepted  by  the  Garrison,  peace  is  again  established  in  the 
little   community.     Sometimes   however   the   Master   not   being   a 


MA   street   in  the   town   of   Washington    commemorates   Mr.   Van    Noorden's   owner- 
ship  of    a   part  of   the   original   land. 

3 


34  James  Spkunt  Historical  Publications 

good  humour'd  Man  &  not  entering  into  their  views,  finds  means 
to  subdue  the  Garrison,  and  threshes  the  Ringleaders  heartily — 

-  Jones  and  I,  set  out  about  Sunrise  from  Mrs.  Cobb's  and  rode 
eleven  Miles  to  Tarborough  before  breakfast — riding  over  a  Bridge 
built  of  Wood  at  the  Town,  over  Tar  River. 

TARBOROUGH,  is  the  County  Town  of  Edgecombe  County; 
it  is  situated  on  the  Southeast  side  of  Tar  River,  at  this  place 
about  eighty  yards  over,  the  Town  contains  about  twenty  Fam- 
ilies, and  for  the  size  of  it  has  a  considerable  Trade,  it  is  the 
highest  Town  on  the  River,  and  Boats  seldom  go  above  this  place. 
— The  houses  are  all  of  Wood — It  is  situated  on  a  high  flat  piece 
of  Ground,  and  is  a  very  pleasant  place. 

There  is  an  Inspection  house  here  for  the  reception  and  e? 
animation  of  Tobacco,  and  I  am  told  there  is  brought  to  it  annu- 
ally 1400  Hogsheads. — 

Tobacco  is  brought  to  the  Inspecting  house  at  this  Landing 
sometimes  in  Waggons  but  more  usually  rolled,  and  from  the  dis- 
tance of  a  hundred  Miles  or  more — When  brought  in  Waggons  it 
is  pitch'd  from  the  tail  of  the  Waggons  without  fear  of  Staving, 
if  judiciously  dropt,  so  as  to  let  the  end  of  the  Staves  strike  the 
ground  first.  The  method  of  rolling  it  to  the  Landing  is  as  fol- 
lows two  rough  Wheels  or  Cleets  are  made  to  the  Cask  by  fixing 
on,  with  strong  wooden  Pins,  pieces  of  Wood  hewn  in  shape  like 
the  fellows  of  a  Wheel ;  these  are  fastened  to  the  hogshead,  at  the 
quarters,  or  near  each  end  of  the  Cask;  next  an  axle  is  made  by 
driving  into  each  end  of  the  Cask,  a  piece  of  Wood;  squared  at 
one  end,  to  answer  a  square  hole  in  the  heading;  this  to  prevent 
the  Axle  from  turning  in  the  Cask; — the  Shank  of  it  left  without 
the  Cask,  is  made  round;  a  rough  pair  of  Shafts  are  now  pre- 
pared, in  the  ends  of  which,  are  holes  for  those  round  Shanks  to 
work  in  as  the  Hogshead  rolls  over,  sometimes  a  small  square  box, 
is  built  upon  the  Shafts,  for  carrying  Victuals,  a  blanket,  or 
other  things ;  each  Hogshead  is  drawn  by  two  Horses ;  one  placed 
before  the  other;  and  each  Horse  has  usually  a  Saddle  upon  his 
back  for  the  Men  bringing  the  Tobacco  to  ride  when  they  choose 
it ;  and  I  observed  that  in  coming  into  Tarborough,  they  mostly 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  35 

availed  themselves  of  the  indulgence ;  and  came  riding  into  Town 
with  the  Tobacco  rolling  after  them.  They  throw  away  the 
Shafts  on  their  arrival  and  return  home  on  horseback. 

It  may  be  here  observed  that  Pitch,  Tar,  &  Turpentine  are  rolled 
to  the  Landing  from  the  Woods,  partly  in  the  same  manner ; 
in  these,  the  Axle,  is  one  Stick  drove  quite  through  the  Cask,  and 
wedged  so  as  not  to  work  loose,  leaving  a  Shank  at  each  end  which 
when  it  arrives,  is  sawed  off,  leaving  the  rest  of  the  Stick  in  the 
barrel — They  do  not  take  the  trouble  to  fix  Cleets  to  the  barrels, 
the  cask  rolls  upon  the  Hoops, — Two  barrels  are  often  drawn  to- 
gether, the  last  one  is  fixed  by  a  box  at  each  end  reaching  to  the 
end  of  the  Shafts. 

The  manner  of  managing  Tobacco  at  the  Inspecting  house  is 
this — The  planter  driving  up  near  the  door,  disengages  his  Horses ; 
then  knocks  and  splits  off  the  cleets  or  fellows,  which  with  tlr 
Shafts  are  thrown  away;  the  remains  of  the  wooden  pins  which 
fasten'd  the  Cleets  are  drove  into  the  Tobacco,  till  the  heads  of 
them  are  quite  through  the  Staves,  that  the  Cask  may  Slip  off  tlr 
Tobacco  the  easier,  the  Shanks  of  the  Axles  are  sawed  off,  the 
other  part  remains  in  the  Tobacco  and  is  disregarded :  next  the 
Hogshead  being  set  on  one  end,  the  hoops  of  the  end  now  upper- 
most are  taken  off  and  that  head  taken  ont ;  then  the  Cask  with  the 
Tobacco  is  gently  eased  down  on  the  bilge,  or  side,  and  then  the 
end  before  downward  is  raised  uppermost ;  so  that  the  Tobacco  now 
bearing  on  the  Ground,  the  Cask  may  be  lifted  quite  away  from  it, 
leaving  the  Tobacco  standing  without  a  Case;  and  easy  to  be  in- 
spected. The  work  hitherto  is  done  by  the  Countryman  or  his 
Assistant;  Now  the  Inspector  is  called,  who  bringing  a  Crow  bar 
drives  it  into  the  Tobacco  where  he  chooses,  raising  a  mass  or 
Cheese  of  it,  so  as  to  examine  it  in  about  three  different  strata  or 
parts  of  it ;  if  found  to  be  good  and  merchantable,  it  is  passed 
and  allowed  as  such.  The  empty  Cask  with  the  head  and  Hoops 
being  now  carried  to  the  large  Scales  belonging  to  the  Inspectirr 
is  weighed,  and  whatever  it  weighs  is  marked  upon  the  head,  be- 
ing by  Merchants  called  the  Tare  of  the  Cask;  next  the  Cask 
being  again  put  over  the  Tobacco,  it  is  again  upset,  the  head  and 


36  James  Spkunt  Historical  Publications 

hoops  fixed  as  at  first,  then  being  rolled  to  the  Scales  the  Cask  and 
Tobacco  therein  are  weighed  together,  and  the  gross  weight  being 
marked  on  the  head,  over  the  Tare  weight  first  marked ;  the  neat 
weight  of  Tobacco  may  easily  be  known  by  subtracting  the  Tare. 
The  Inspector  now  makes  an  entry  in  his  Warehouse  Book,  of  the 
Hogshead  with  the  weight,  and  affixes  a  Number  to  the  Cask, 
which  he  also  enters  in  his  Book ;  he  gives  to  the  planter  a  Note 
or  receipt  for  the  Cask  of  Tobacco,  expressing  the  Number,  weight 
and  Tare,  and  receives  the  Hogshead  of  Tobacco  into  the  Ware- 
house, where  it  may  lay  till  the  Tobacco  of  the  next  Year  comes 
in ;  the  Planter  pays  for  its  examination  and  Storing  Five  Shill- 
ings.— The  Planter  has  now  no  further  trouble  with  the  To- 
bacco; his  Note  or  Receipt  is  transferable  like  a  Bill  of  Credit 
merely  by  the  possession  of  it,  and  he  may  sell  his  Note  when  or 
where  he  pleases;  the  buyer  when  he  wants  to  remove  the  To- 
bacco, presenting  the  Note,  and  the  identical  hogshead  is  de- 
livered to  him — Confusion  is  prevented,  by  numbering  all  the 
Tobacco  that  comes  into  the  Warehouse  in  one  Crop,  regularly 
from  No.  1  to  the  end. 

If  the  Planter  has  any  ordinary  Tobacco  in  his  Cask,  it  is  taken 
out,  and  he  may  sell  it  to  whom  he  pleases,  but  cannot  get  a  Note 
for  it.  The  Inspection  or  Warehouse  is  a  large  framed  house  of 
Wood;  it  is  160  feet  long  and  about  50  feet  broad. — It  is  near  the 
bank  of  the  River. 

A  new  regulation  is  proposed  in  this  State  in  regard  to  To- 
bacco to  class  it  in  three  divisions,  No.  1,  to  be  of  the  first  quality, 
No.  2,  of  the  second  sort,  and  No.  3,  to  include  all  ordinary  and 
trash  Tobacco  however  mean  without  rejecting  any. 

We  found  upon  our  arrival  at  Tarborough  the  place  much 
crowded;  the  Legislature  being  sitting  for  the  dispatch  of  business 
— The  size  of  the  Town  appear'd  so  inadequate  to  the  comfortable 
accomodation  of  a  Legislature  composed  of  about  120  Commons 
or  Delegates  and  about  60  Senators,  together  with  the  people  at- 
tending the  Sessions  in  business  or  going  there  on  motives  of 
pleasure  that  you  will  not  easily  believe  that  it  was  possible  to 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  37 

provide  for  them,  Yet  provided  for  they  were,  and  they  said 
themselves,  very  comfortably;  One  old  Countryman  said  that  he 
had  cause  to  be  satisfied  that  he  lived  there  much  better  than  at 
-home.- — 

Captain  Toole  a  Trader,  and  for  the  time  Innkeeper  provided 
for  40  or  50  Members,  with  a  great  number  of  others ;  every  family 
almost  received  some  of  the  Members ;  Beds  were  borrowed  from 
the  Country,  3  or  4  placed  in  a  room,  and  two  of  their  Honors  in 
a  Bed — provisions  were  in  plenty,  Horses  were  mostly  sent  to 
Farms  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Town — Mr.  Faulkner  who  formerly 
resided  sometime  in  Philadelphia  brought  hither  his  E  0  Table; 
Gambling  was  carried  to  great  extent,  at  this  Table  and  also  at 
other  Games ;  at  times  several  of  my  acquaintances  have  told  me  of 
their  losses,— A  Trader  of  Newbern  lost  in  one  night  600  pounds — 
Some  attempts  were  made  to  represent  some  dramatic  pieces,  but 
with  very  bad  success — Two  of  the  Actresses  were  Adventuresses 
from  Charleston.  I  rode  up  to  the  house  of  Captain  Toole,  sit- 
uated at  a  corner  of  two  Streets,  in  the  middle  of  the  Street  that 
crosses  by  the  side  of  his  house  there  was  a  place  for  horses  to 
stand,  composed  of  two  posts  set  in  the  ground  at  about  15  feet 
distance  from  each  other  on  the  tops  rested  a  cross  piece  with 
Pins  at  intervals  for  fastening  the  Bridles,  here  stood  a  dozen 
horses,  and  here  I  fix'd  mine  with  the  rest — till  I  should  be  able 
to  get  a  place_  for  him — Going  into  the  front  Room  I  found  the 
Table  laid  for  Breakfast  in  two  rows,  I  waited  some  time  by  the 
fire  side,  when  the  Breakfast  being  brought  in,  I  hung  up  my  Hat 
and  without  any  Ceremony  took  my  Seat  amongst  the  Crowd; 
Legislators,  Planters  and  Merchants,  After  being  all  seated  I 
lifted  up  my  eyes  and  saw  that  I  had  committed  a  faux  pas, 
every  Man  but  me  had  kept  his  Hat  on — However  this  made  but 
little  difference,  I  only  determined  to  keep  it  on  next  time — We 
had  a  tolerable  Breakfast — my  friend  Jones,  had  gone  to  break- 
fast with  an  acquaintance — I  found  Mr.  Thomas  Stuart  here  whom 
I  had  seen  at  INTewbern,  he  kindly  offered  to  show  me  the  way  to 
the   Court  house   where  the   Assembly  sat,   having   accepted   his 


38  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

offer,  we  walk'd  up;  the  Court  House  is  a  large  wooden  building 

of  two  Apartments,  built  in  this  form 


and 


standing  on  brick  Pillars;  in  the  long  Eoom  the  Commons  met, 
in  the  other  the  Senate — Any  person  is  at  liberty  to  go  and  hear 
the  debates  of  either  House,  Standing  uncover'd  without  their 
Bar — The  bar  at  the  Senate  was  a  Board  laid  across  two  old 
Trunks,  standing  on  the  ends  which  served  very  well  pro  tern. 

The  Bar  of  the  Commons  House  was  the  Court  Boom  Bar — ■ 
Every  Member  sat  with  his  Hat  on  except  when  addressing  the 
Chair — The  business  before  the  house  not  being  very  interesting 
I  soon  retired — But  soon  after  hearing  that  the  new  Governor 
was  to  be  Sworn  into  Office  I  returned.  There  was  now  a  joint 
Meeting  of  the  two  houses  in  the  large  Boom,  a  Committee  of  3  or 
4  gentlemen  went  to  him,  they  walk'd  together  to  the  House  all 
the  Members  rose  on  his  entering,  the  usual  Oath  of  Allegiance 
to  the  State  and  Oath  of  Office  as  Governor  being  by  him  distinctly 
repeated  and  sworn,  he  retired  to  his  lodgings,  there  being  no  Cere- 
mony of  Proclamation — 

Hetiring  from  thence,  I  soon  after  met  my  fellow  passenger 
Mackie,  taking  a  walk  with  him  We  called  at  Mr.  Clement's  Store, 
I  was  introduced  to  him — Next  I  took  a  walk  to  the  house  of  my 
friend  Bichard  Blackledge,  he  was  at  home  and  introduced  me  to 
his  Wife,  an  elegant  Woman,  to  Miss  Brannon  and  to  Miss  Hill 
who  were  at  his  house, — He  invited  me  to  dine — 

Leaving   Blackledge — I   was   introduced   to   Mr.   Boss,    a 

Merchant— At  dinner  I  returned  to  Bichard  Blackledge's,  here 
was  a  large  Company,  amongst  others  Judge  Williams20.  I  was  in- 
troduced to  some  of  the  Company,  and  during  Dinner  an  Argument 
arose  between  one  of  the  Gentlemen  present,  and  the  Judge, 
respecting  Slaves;  the  Judge  wished  that  there  was  an  immediate 
addition  of  One  hundred  Thousand  Slaves  to  the  State;  I  soon 
became  a  Party  and  we  had  a  good  deal  of  conversation  on  the 
subject  I   principally  endeavour'd  to   shew   the  political  inexpe- 


MJudge  Williams  of  Williamsboro. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  39 

dience  of  the  practice  of  keeping  Slaves  by  argument  on  the 
advantages  a  State  having  none  but  Free  Citizens  must  have  over 
a  State  encumber'd  with  Slaves  in  case  of  a  contest  for  power; 
and  by  shewing  the  disadvantages  to  posterity  from  the  practice. — 
With  just  glancing  a  few  hints  on  the  general  rights  of  Mankind, 
such  as  I  thought  that  my  auditory  might  bear — The  Judge 
frankly  declared  that  his  views  were  for  the  present  ease  and 
affluence;  and  said  that  he  admitted  our  Great  Grandchildren 
wou'd  be  Slaves. — Here  seemed  to  rest  our  Argument.  I  now  took 
a  walk,  afterwards  Mr.  Jones  coining  to  look  for  me  I  return'd  to 
Tea  in  the  evening,  Doctr.  Williamson  was  there  to  whom  I  was 
introduced.  After  some  Conversation  I  took  a  walk  up  to  Tooles, 
here  I  saw  my  fellow  passenger  Billy  Ford,  he  had  a  black  eye  and 
wore  a  silk  Handkerchief  tied  over  it,  upon  enquiry  into  the  cause 
of  this  disaster,  he  inform' d  me  that  there  had  been,  an  evening 
or  two  before  a  jovial  meeting  of  some  of  the  members  of  the 
Legislature,  in  the  Court  House,  when  he  standing  up  to  entertain 
them  with  the  exhibition  of  "Bucks  have  at  ye  all"  Some  of  the 
Company  grew  riotous,  Somebody  threw  an  Orange  Skin  and  hit 
him  in  the  eye.  Somebody  also  threw  the  Leg  of  a  Turkey  which 
miss'd  him,  but  fell  not,  guiltless  to  the  floor,  giving  Toole  a 
violent  blow  on  the  back. —  He  invited  me  to  go  upstairs  to  be 
introduced  to  some  great  Men,  but  I  was  engaged — 

Soon  after  parting  with  Ford  my  attention  was  engaged  by  a 
Quarrel  in  one  of  the  Rooms  below  a  Stout  Man  in  Liquor  want- 
ing to  fight  with  another  Man  not  so  disposed; — He  endeavour'd 
all  in  his  power  by  opprobious  words  &  otherwise  to  provoke  the 
quiet  Man  to  strike  him  first,  in  order  to  avoid  being  indicted  for 
an  assault,  and  as  the  phrase  is  here  "To  Quit  the  Law,"  amongst 
other  expedients  he  lay  down  on  the  Floor,  upon  his  back  with  his 
Legs  and  Arms  extended  calling  "iSTow  strike  me"  "Kick  me" — 
Stamp  upon  me"— but  his  Adversary  was  not  to  be  provoked  to 
give  him  an  opportunity  to  make  battle  with  impunity. —  After 
taking  a  drink  of  Porter  with  my  friend  John  Whitall  at  Toole's, 
tired  with  the  different  Scenes  of  the  day  I  began  to  think  of  a 
bed — I  had  asked  of  Mackie  to  let  me  have  a  part  of  his  Bed  in 
the  Store,  I  went  there,  he  told  me  I  could  be  accomodated  with 


40  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

a  spare  Bed  in  the  house,  and  going  out  Mr.  Gilchrist  his  brother's 
partner  came  in,  and  invited  me  into  the  house,  here  he  introduced 
me  to  Samuel  Johnston  Esqr.  the  new  Governor,  to  General 
McDowell,  and  other  Gentlemen,  Colo.  Davie  was  here,  to  whom 
I  was  introduced  at  Newborn, 

The  Governor  and  I,  had  a  long  conversation  on  various  topics, 
and  I  retired  to  Tbed  pretty  late. 

Friday,  December  21.  I  breakfasted  at  Capt.  Toole's — Afterwards 
I  saw  William  Ford  who  invited  me  to  dine  with  him,  this  did  not 
suit  today,  he  invited  me  to  call  in  the  forenoon  and  take  a  glass  of 
Wine  with  him,  this  I  did — 

Having  this  Morning  seen  Mr.  Gilchrist,  he  told  me  that  he  had 
expected  me  to  Breakfast :  he  invited  me  to  dine  with  him,  and 
desired  that  David  Jones  would  come  also. —  I  took  a  walk  to  the 
Tobacco  Inspection ;  the  price  of  that  article  is  50/  per  100  lb. 
part  to  be  paid  in  Goods —  David  Jones  and  I  went  to  dine  at  Mr. 
Gilchrist's,  after  Dinner  the  Governor  came  in ;  most  of  the  Com- 
pany except  him  retiring,  he  &  I  had  a  long  tete  a  tete  Con- 
versation—  He  kindly  invited  me  to  pay  him  a  Visit  if  I  should 
come  in  the  neighborhood  of  Edenton  where  he  resides,  which  I 
Promised.  In  the  evening  I  went  to  visit  William  Tuton  at  Mr. 
Greir's,  here  was  Benjamin  Brown  and  William  Ford —  In  the 
evening  I  walk'd  to  Richard  Blackledge's  where  I  took  Tea,  then 
returned  to  Mr.  Greir's  where  I  eat  Supper —  Two  back  country 
Assembly  Men  came  in,  one  named  Gardner  from  Surry  County, 
we  had  a  long  conversation  on  the  subject  of  paper  Money;  one 
of  the  Assembly  Men  seemed  to  think  Merchants  of  little  benefit 
to  the  Country  and  said  that  he  wished  there  were  none  for  100 
Years  to  come.  It  growing  late  we  could  not  end  our  subject, 
but  the  Assembly  Men  said  that  next  evening  they  were  at  our 
service  for  further  debate.  I  staid  and  slept  with  Benjamin 
Brown. 

Saturday,  December  22.  I  breakfasted  and  dined  at  Toole's. 
There  was  Snow,  Sleet  and  Rain  all  day — They  were  out  of  Wood 
at  Toole's,  and  we  suffer'd  there  for  want  of  Fire—  In  the  evening 
I  saw  Mr.  Gilchrist,  he  invited  me  to  lodge  at  his  House,  letting 
me  know  that  he  expected  me  last  night.    I  drank  Chocolate  there. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  41 

The  Governor  was  there,  and  I  had  another  long  tete  a  tete 
Conversation  the  early  part  of  the  evening  with  him  on  the  Slavery 
of  the  Negroes,  on  Liberty,  about  many  of  our  acquaintances; 
their  Houses  &c.  General  McDowell26  afterwards  came  in,  we  had 
a  deal  of  conversation,  he  told  us  about  his  "Wars  with  the  English, 
the  Indians,  and  the  Bears ;  he  was  one  of  those  Commanders  who 
defeated  &  killed  Colo.  Ferguson  at  King's  Mountain,  he  is  an 
elderly  Man  his  Locks  are  beginning  to  Silver  over.  General 
McDowell  related  his  killing  some  Bears  nearly  as  follows — ■ 

"There  was  a  large  old  Tree  with  a  hole  in  it,  very  high  up, 
"some  of  us  went  there,  and  we  thought  it  was  likely  there  was  a 
"Bear  down  that  hole,  I  got  an  Indian  Ladder  (this  is  a  Saplin 
"with  the  Limbs  cut  off,  about  a  foot  from  the  Stock  so  as  to 
"take  hold  with  the  hands  and  feet  in  clim'ing)  this  Ladder,  I  set 
"up  against  the  Tree,  and  getting  a  long  Pole  with  a  flaming 
"brand  on  the  end  of  it,  got  up  the  Ladder,  with  the  Pole,  and 
"held  the  Fire  to  the  hole  in  the  Tree  which  soon  took  Fire,  the 
"Smoke  and  heat  forced  out  a  full  grown  Bear  who  descended  so 
"fast,  I  was  at  last  obliged  to  drop  myself  to  the  ground,  here  I 
"had  left  my  Gun,  and  just  as  the  Bear  was  reaching  the  Ground, 
"I  fired  and  broke  his  back,  we  then  dispatched  him  with  the  Axe, 
" —  Soon  after  another  Bear  called  a  Yearling  came  out  and  de- 
scended we  knock'd  him  on  the  head  also  with  the  Axe —  And 
"there  came  out  of  the  hole,  one  more  Bear,  also  a  Yearling,  he 
"ran  out  upon  the  boughs  of  the  Tree,  and  there  being  a  bad 
"Marksman  in  the  Company,  We  set  him  to  Shoot  this  Bear,  and 
"after  firing  many  times  he  at  last  hit  him  and  brought  him 
"down — " 

As  I  grew  very  sleepy  I  retired  to  bed.  This  evening  the 
Assembly  finished  their  Session  and  broke  up. 

Sunday,  December  23.  It  is  very  much  the  custom  in  North 
Carolina  to  drink  Drams  of  some  kind  or  other  before  Breakfast; 
sometimes  Gin,  Cherry-bounce,  Egg  Nog  &c.  several  of  the  Assem- 
bly Men,  this  Morning  indulged  themselves  in  this  respect. 


26General    McDowell    was    probably    Charles    McDowell    as    he    was    older    than    his 
brother  Joseph;   both  were   participants  in   the  battle  of  King's   Mountain. 


42  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

General  Thomas  Parsons  came  in  and  staid  a  short  time — I 
breakfasted  at  Mr.  Gilchrist's  and  dined  at  Captain  Toole's. 

The  Assembly  Men  push'd  out  of  Town  this  forenoon  in  great 
numbers,  many  of  them  appearing  very  anxious  to  get  home. 

In  the  afternoon  I  paid  a  visit  at  Richard  Blackledge's,  drank 
Tea  there.  The  company  there,  were  Mrs.  Harvey",  Doctor 
Williamson"8,  Major  Blount,  Colonel  Thomas,  &c.  We  had  a  good 
deal  of  conversation. 

I  went  to  Mr.  Gilchrist's  to  lodge. 

Monday,  December  2 J/..  I  breakfasted  at  Mr.  Gilchrist's  today,  & 
dined  at  Capt.  Toole's,  I  visited  William  Tuton  upon  business,  he 
offers  payment  in  Lands  for  a  demand  we  have,  could  not  agree 
about  the  terms. 

The  Assembly  of  North  Carolina,  consists  of  two  Commons  and 
one  Senator  for  each  County  in  the  State ;  of  these  Counties  there 
are  about  sixty. 

The  Legislature  meet  the  first  Monday  in  November  by  Law, — 
Some  of  them  came  to  the  Assembly  to  Tarborough  800  Miles, 
these  came  from  the  settlements  about  Cumberland  River.  These 
Members  encamp  in  the  Woods  returning  home,  part  of  the  way; 
the  country  is  settled  as  far  back  as  3  or  400  Miles. 

In  the  evening  I  rode  out  to  Edward  Hall's  Farm  about  two 
Miles  from  Tarborough  upon  business,  he  inviting  me  to  stay  all 
night,  I  accepted  his  invitation — The  evening  Moon  light,  and  has 
been  a  fine  day. 

Tuesday,  December  25.  This  Morning  according  to  North  Caro- 
lina custom  we  had  before  Breakfast,  a  drink  of  EGG  NOG,  this 
compound  is  made  in  the  following  manner :  In  two  clean  Quart 


27"Mrs.  Harvey"  was  Ann  Blount,  widow  of  James  Harvey,  the  young  son 
of  Col.  John  Harvey  the  distinguished  Moderator  of  the  Assembly  held  at  New 
Bern,  in  1774.  She  made  the  trip  on  horseback  from  Pitt  county  across  the 
mountains  into  Tennessee  to  visit  her  brother,  Gov.  William  Blount.  She  died 
there  and  her  remains  rest  near  his  in  the  Presbyterian  churchyard,  in  Knoxville, 
Tenn. 

28Doctor  Hugh  Williamson,  though  born  in  Pennsylvania,  was  largely  associated 
with  North  Carolina.  He  represented  Edenton  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  1782, 
and  was  sent  to  Congress  from  that  district  in  1784.  He  was  one  of  the  signers 
of  the  Constitution  from  this  State.  He  was  again  in  Congress  from  1790  to 
1792.     He  wrote  a  history  of  North  Carolina  in   1812. 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to  North  Carolina  43 

Bowls,  were  divided  the  Yolks  and  whites  of  five  Eggs,  the  yolks  & 
whites  separated,  the  Yolks  beat  up  with  a  Spoon,  and  mixt  up 
with  brown  Sugar,  the  whites  were  whisk'd  into  Froth  by  a  Straw 
Whisk  till  the  Straw  wou'd  stand  upright  in  it ;  when  duly  beat, 
the  Yolks  were  put  to  the  Froth ;  again  beat  a  long  time ;  then  half 
a  pint  of  Rum  pour'd  slowly  into  the  mixture,  the  whole  kept 
stirring  the  whole  time  till  well  incorporated. 

After  Breakfasting  I  returned  to  Tarborough.  I  dined  with 
Andrew  Grier.  After  dinner  saw  a  dance  of  Negroes  to  the  Banjo 
in  his  Yard. 

In  the  afternoon  I  set  off  for  Washington,  after  riding  a  few 
Miles  I  overtook  Brown,  Tuton  &c.  who  were  going  down  the 
Road, — We  stopt  at  Mrs.  Cobb's,  took  a  drink,  and  rode  to  Jone's 
Tavern  being  some  in  the  night. 

We  arrived  in  the  heighth  of  a  quarrel  there  between  two  Men ; 
the  Landlady  applied  to  me  to  part  'em,  I  told  her  "jSTo,  let  them 
settle  their  own  differences." — They  were  going  to  fight  out  in  the 
Road,  when  one  of  the  company  declared  he  wou'd  massacre  the 
Man  who  should  attempt  to  Gouge,  (that  is,  endeavors  to  run 
his  thumbs  into  the  eyes  of  the  other,  scoop  out  his  eye  balls) 
Womble,  one  of  the  disputants  declared  "I  cannot  fight  without  a 
Gouge"  One  of  the  company  supported  his  declaration  saying 
"Ay !  A  Gouge  all  weathers,  by  G — .  the  terms  were  not  accepted ; 
their  passions  cooled  by  degrees  and  the  gouging  Man  said,  "tho  I 
am  but  a  little  "Shoemaker,  I  won't  be  imposed  upon"  I  replied 
You  may  be  a  Shoemaker  perhaps,  but  you  are 

[A  page  of  manuscript  is  missing  here] 

In  some  places  on  the  way,  there  appears  amongst  the  Trees  a 
very  luxuriant  herbage  one  sort  called  Reed,  appearing  like  our 
Meadow  Tussocks  as  we  call  them,  is  now  green  and  continues  so 
all  winter — And  another  kind  which  now  looks  brown,  like  dead 
Grass,  but  grows  green  toward  Spring, — both  are  excellent  for 
Cattle— 

The  Settlements  along  this  Road  are  but  few — I  was  overtaken 
in  the  Woods  by  a  Man  in  a  homespun  Jacket  and  ragged  Trous- 


44  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

ers,  mounted  on  a  Poney  a  little  bigger  than  a  Goat,  the  first  notice 
I  had  of  him  was  by  his  giving  a  Whistle  behind  me. 

I  grasped  a  loaded  Whip,  and  turn'g  it  in  my  hand;  looking 
round  me,  with  some  little  apprehension  from  the  loneliness  of  the 
place — He  came  up,  and  rode  about  two  or  three  Miles  with  me 
when  he  left  me.  I  found  by  his  conversation  that  he  was  a  Tar 
burner.  We  had  a  variety  of  Chat, — Amongst  other  talk  he  told 
me  that  two  Wolves  had  been  killed  about  a  fortnight  before  near 
the  place  we  then  were — 

After  parting  with  this  honest  fellow,  I  rode  on,  trusting  my 
Horse  to  chuse  the  Road  and  his  choice  ....  did  credit  to 
his  Sagacity-except  once  where  there  happen'd  to  be  a  Post  of 
direction — Here  he  Seem'd  to  incline  to  go  contrary  to  the  direc- 
tion on  the  Post  which  conduct  I  could  not  account  for  as  it  was 
clear  he  was  not  making  homeward,  till  afterwards  upon  enquiry 
I  found  his  Owner  had  been  used  to  ride  up  that  Road  while 
Courting  the  lady  now  his  Wife;  and  that  place  was  still  the 
habitation  of  some  agreeable  young  Ladies, — perhaps  his  intention 
was  to  introduce  me  there. — 

After  riding  25  Miles  I  arrived  at  Mr.  Pearce's  where  I  got 
dinner  and  rested  my  Horse.  There  was  playing  at  his  door  five 
ISTegroe  Children  every  one  dress'd  in  a  Shirt  only — Clothes  are 
not  bestowed  on  these  Animals  with  much  profusion — At  Johnson's 
one  was  Walking  abot.  the  Court  Yard  absolutely  naked,  and  in 
Newbern  I  saw  a  boy  thro'  the  Street  with  only  a  Jacket  on,  and 
that  unbuttoned. — 

Prom  Pearce's  I  rode  five  Miles  to  Mr.  Blount's  Ferry  at  Tar 
River  here  two  Negroes  rowed  me  over  to  the  Washington  Shore 
where  I  landed  at  Sunset — 

Being  fond  of  remarking  upon  the  tempers  of  Men  and  upon 
human  Nature  in  general,  under  every  appearance  and  circum- 
stance I  thought  proper  to  interrogate  Polydore  one  of  the  Ne- 
groes who  rowed  me,  in  respect  to  his  condition  as  follows — 

Attmore,  Where  was  you  born,  boy? 

Polydore,  I  was  born  in  Guinea. 

Attmore,  Don't  you  want  to  go  back  to  your  Country? 


Journal  of  a  Tour  to   North  Carolina  45 

The  other  Negroe  answers — He  fs  fast,  he  can't  go. 

Polydore,  I  have  learnt  another  Language  now,  they  will  kill  me  if 
I  go  back  to  my  home — 

Attmore,  How  came  you  brought  from   yr.   Country, 

Polydore,  I  went  with  many  more  to  attack  a  town,  where  they  were 
too  strong  for  us,  they  killed  a  great  many,  and  took  140  of  us 
prisoners,  and  sold  us. — 

Attmore,  Had  you  not  better  have  let  them  alone  and  remained  in 
peace  at  home? 

Polydore,  No — My  Nation  always  fight  that  Nation — - 

Attmore,  And  what  would  do  i'f  you  return'd  to  your  Country  now, 
wou'd  you  be  quiet? 

Polydore,  No — I  go  there,  and  fight  'em  worse  than  ever. — 

As  we  got  to  Shore  at  this  period,  I  gave  my  two  ragged  Ferry- 
men a  small  present,  for  which  they  were  thankful — And  Galloped 
up  the  Shore  to  my  former  Quarters  at  Blackledge's  Here  I  found 
Miss  Sally  Salter,  &  Miss  Absoley  Kennedy, 

[The  remainder  of  the  manuscript  has  heen  lost,  save  the 
next  page,  a  fragment  descriptive  of  New  Bern.'] 

NEWBEKN",  is  a  Town  situated  on  a  point  or  Neck  of  Land 
at  the  confluence  of  the  Rivers  Neuse  and  Trent,  each  of  these 
Rivers  are  at  the  Town  about  three  quarters  of  a  Mile  wide,  the 
Town  contains  about  500  or  600  Houses  which  are  mostly  built  of 
Wood,  this  place  is  generally  reckon'd  to  be  the  Capital  of  North 
Carolina,  tho'  the  Legislature  do  not  always  meet  there,  the  Neuse 

is  navigable  for  Sea  Vessels  about miles  above  the  Town  and 

for  Scows  and  Flats  about  Miles — The  Trent  is  navigable  above 
the  Town  for  Sea  Vessels  about  Miles  and  for  Flats  and  Scows 

about         Miles — 

There  is  an  elegant  house  in  this  place  called  the  Palace,  for- 
merly the  residence  of  the  Governor  many  of  the  houses  are  large 
and  commodious  some  are  one  story  and  some  two  Stories  high. 

There  are  to  many  of  the  houses  Balconies  or  Piazzas  in  front 
and  sometimes  back  of  the  house,  this  Method  of  Building  is 
found  convenient  on  account  of  the  great  Summer  Heats  here — 
These  Balconies   are   often   two   Stories   high,   sometimes   one   or 


46  James  Sprunt  Historical  Publications 

both  ends  of  it  are  boarded  up,  and  made  into  a  Room.  There 
are  convenient  Wharves  at  ISTewbern,  these  are  mostly  on  the 
Trent  side  of  the  Town  where  the  Shipping  generally  lay — Ves- 
sels drawing  9  feet  water  can  come  up  to  the  place — There  is  a 
small  church29  here  with  a  square  tower,  Cupola  and  Bell  &  it  is 
the  only  place  of  Worship  in  the  Town.  This  place  being  the 
County  Town  of  Craven  County,  there  is  a  brick  Goal  here,  and  a 
Court  House,  the  latter  is  raised  on  Arches;  the  Courts  being  held 
upstairs,  the  lower  part  serves  for  a  Market  place;  tho'  but  little 
provisions  are  carried  there;  people  coming  in  Boats  or  Canoes  sell 
their  Marketting  at  the  Biver  side. 


^This  was  the  present  "Christ  Church"  New  Bern,  originally  Craven  Parish, 
established  by  the  Vestry  Act  of  1715.  (See  Colonial  Records  Vol.  II  p.  209).  The 
two  royal  Governors,  Tryon  and  Martin  attended  this  church  during  their  oc- 
cupancy of  the  Palace.  A  very  handsome  silver  communion  service  and  alms  basin, 
also  Bible  and  Prayer  Book,  each  bearing  the  Royal  arms,  the  silver  engraved 
"presented  by  George  the  II,  King  of  England,"  are  in  the  possession  of  the 
present  Christ  Church.  The  records  of  this  Parish  were  destroyed  by  fire  many- 
years  ago,  and  the  tradition  to  which  the  memory  of  man  runneth  not  to  the  con- 
trary is  that  these  particular  articles  were  presented  to   Christ  Church  by  George  II. 

However,  Bishop  Joseph  Blount  Cheshire  is  inclined  to  the  belief  that  this 
eucharistic  service  with  accompanying  Prayer  Book  and  Bible  were  originally 
given  to  the  Royal  Chapel  of  St.  Philips,  at  old  Brunswick  and  that  when  New 
Bern  became  the  seat  of  the  Royal  Government  under  William  Tryon  he  trans- 
ferred these  sacred  and  beautiful  articles  to  Christ  Church,  New  Bern,  and  gave 
it    the<  distinction   of    being   the    "Royal    Chapel." 

To  the  historian  this  belief  is  quite  tenable  and  only  enhances  the  historic  interest 
that    clusters    around    this    old    Parish. 


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